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Gen. James F. Rusling. 



Men and Things I Saw 
in Civil War Days 



NEW EDITION 

BY 

JAMES FOWLER RUSLING, A.M., LL.D. 

Brigadier General (by Brevet) United States Voluntmrs 
Author or Across America, Civil War Days, European Days and Ways, etc. 




THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN 

NEW YORK CINCINNATI 

1914 



vA 



r -f- ^ 7 



Copyright 1899, 1914, by 

THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN 



JUN29I9I4 

©aAy7C6!)b 



DEDICATED TO 

THE LOYAL LEGION 

AND 

THE GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC 



I 



PREFACE 



This volume embodies many of my observations and 
experiences in our great Civil War. My first thought 
was to put these into historic form and chronological 
order. But ultimately I concluded to give them rather 
as portraitures and pictures of our great commanders 
mainly — as here. 

It was my good fortune to come into contact with 
nearly all of these, from McClellan to Grant; and hence 
these sketches. A part have appeared before, in The 
Christian Advocate, of New York, and elsewhere; but 
these chapters have all been revised, rewritten, enlarged, 
and otherwise improved, as I trust; and hence this vol- 
ume as a whole may be considered new — much of it 
entirely new. 

Chapter XV, I have hesitated about somewhat; but 
finally concluded to publish, as not without some his- 
toric value. This chapter consists of old Army letters, as 
written home in 1861 to 1865; and while of moderate in- 
terest to some, it is beheved nevertheless they will give 
realistic and vivid pictures of Army life to many — es- 
pecially to our younger Americans. The illustrations 
are from photographs picked up during the war, or 
selected with care since then. Sherman's photograph 
is of special value ; as see page 106. 

The basis of the whole volume is, ist, An excellent 
memory; 2d, A diary and journal kept during most of the 
war; 3d, The memoirs of Generals Grant, Sherman, Sheri- 

3 



Preface 

dan, McClellan, Joe Johnston, and others; 4th, A History 
of the Civil War in Anicriw, by Comte de Paris, Swin- 
ton's Army of the Potomac, Badeau's Life of General Grant, 
and hke publications; and 5th, Our War Records, both 
Union and Confederate, published by authority of Con- 
gress. 

Perhaps I should add just a word as to myself and my 
opportunities for such observations and experiences. 
Briefly, then, I was born April 14, 1834, at Washington, 
Warren County, N. J.; was graduated at Dickinson Col- 
lege, Carlisle, Pa., 1854; Professor at Dickinson Semi- 
nary, Williamsport, Pa., 1854-58; admitted to the bar of 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, 1857-59. 

My Army record as follows : 

Aug. 24, 1861, 1st Lt. and R. Q. M., 5th N. J. Vols. 
Infantry. 

Nov. 30, 1 861, Act. Brigade Q. M., 26. N. J. Brigade. 

June II, 1862, Capt. and A. Q. M. U. S. Vols., same 
Brigade. 

Oct. 15, 1862, Division Q. M., 2d Div. 3d Corps. 

May 2y, 1863, Lt. Col. and Corps Q. M., 3d Corps. 

July 31, 1863, Inspector O. M. Dept. Army of the 
Potomac. 

Dec. I, 1863, Chief Asst. Q. M. Department of the 
Cumberland. 

April 29, 1865, Colonel and Inspector Q. M., Dept. 
United States. 

Feb. 16, 1866, Brigadier General (Brevet) U. S. Vols. 

Sept. 17, 1867, mustered out and resumed practice of 
Law.' 

' See Appendix, p. 391. 

4 



Preface 

These various appointments were at Regimental, Bri- 
gade, Division, Corps, Army, Department, and General 
U. S. A. Headquarters, respectively, both in the East 
and in the West, at post and in the field; and 
(I beg pardon for saying) afforded facilities and op- 
portunities that fell to the lot of but few officers, 
whether Regulars or Volunteers. How well (or ill) I 
profited by them appears in this volume, and is sub- 
mitted with diffidence to the reader, as the observa- 
tions and experiences of a Staff Officer of Volunteers, 
1861-65. J. F. R. 

Trenton, N. J., 1899. 

He was promoted five times, from First Lieutenant, 
1861, to Brigadier General (Bvt.), 1867, 0^ the recom- 
mendation of such officers as Generals Mott, McClellan, 
Hooker, Meade, Thomas, Sherman, and Grant, and par- 
ticipated in all the campaigns and battles of Army of the 
Potomac, 1861-63, and in many of Army of the 
Cumberland, 1863- 1865. He was present at battles of 
Yorktown, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, Savage Station, 
Glendale, Malvern Hill, Manassas (second), Fredericks- 
burg, Chancellorsville, Rappahannock Station, Bristoe 
(all Virginia) ; Williamsport, Md. ; Chattanooga, Tenn. ; 
Atlanta, Ga. ; Nashville, Tenn. ; Hell Canon, Ariz., 
etc. — Ed. 

5 



PUBLISHERS' FOREWORD. 

The old edition of General Rusling's Civil War Days 
was exhausted some time^o, but so many inquiries have 
been made for it of late, it is deemed advisable to print a 
new edition, as herewith. Not many changes have been 
made, and these appear mainly in the New Appendix, 
which will be found illuminating and instructive. So good 
a book ought not to be allowed to die out, and we appeal 
to the reading public for support accordingly. It is be- 
lieved to be one of the best of our American books on 
the Civil War — able, honest, truthful, fair, and aiming 
to do justice to both North and South. It is no common 
book, but already an American classic. Its author knows 
how to "See clear and think straight." It deals only with 
big men and things, in a large way, and contains a mass 
of information invaluable to the general reader. 

It reminds one of Homer and Plutarch, and their 
great heroes, as we read of Lincoln and Grant, Lee and 
Stonewall Jackson, Sherman and Longstreet, Meade and 
Thomas, Sheridan, etc., and no better Civil War book 
can be put in the hands of our American people. Its 
great chapter on President Lincoln especially has been 
quoted around the world, and fixes the "vexed question" 
of his religious faith forever, unless Lincoln was a 
hypocrite or a humbug, and that is unthinkable of Honest 
Old Abe. So, its chapter on Nashville is the best account 
extant of that great battle — General Rusling being an eye 
witness there, and writing much of it fresh from the 
field. So, his chapters on Grant and Lee, admitting the 
greatness of both, but demonstrating the superiority of 
Grant as a soldier, are unique but unanswerable. And 
his graphic Letters Home every Sunday during the war, 
fresh from the march and the battlefield, are vivid and 
inspiring. 

Every collegian and high school boy should read this 
book, and profit by its great lessons of duty and patriot- 
ism. Buy and see! Pages, 420. Price, $1.50; by mail, 
$1.70. With 14 illustrations. 

6 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. PAGE 

Abraham Lincoln 9 

CHAPTER n. 
Andrew Johnson 19 

CHAPTER HI. 
George B. McClellan 24 

CHAPTER IV. 
Ambrose E. Burnside 41 

CHAPTER V. 
Joseph Hooker 52 

CHAPTER VI. 
George G. Meade 67 

CHAPTER VII. 
George H. Thomas 80 

CHAPTER VIII. 
William Tecumseh Sherman 106 

CHAPTER IX. 
Philip H. Sheridan 123 

CHAPTER X. 
Ulysses S. Grant 135 

CHAPTER XI. 
Robert E. Lee 149 

CHAPTER XII. 
Campaigning and Soldiering 159 

CHAPTER XIII. 
A Great Quartermaster 174 

CHAPTER XIV. 
The Angel of the Third Corps 190 

CHAPTER XV. 
Some Army Letters 195 

APPENDIX 355 

INDEX 3r 7 




Abraham Lincoln, J 863. 



MEN AND THINGS I SAW 

IN CIVIL WAR DAYS 



CHAPTER I 
Abraham Lincoln 



My first knowledge of Mr. Lincoln was in 1857, when 
he dawned upon the nation as ''The Rail-splitter of Illi- 
nois." This was when he was nominated there for 
United States Senator, and conducted his great debate 
with Stephen A. Douglas, then widely known as "The 
Little Giant of IlHnois." Mr. Lincoln struck me then, 
in the progress of that debate, as a really great Amer- 
ican: sagacious, far-seeing, and with a broad grasp of 
principles. And I was still more impressed with this in 
i860, \\d;jen he became the Republican nominee for Pres- 
identyftnd won as "Honest Old Abe." 

My first real sight of him w^as in February, 1861, when 
he came East, and halted at Trenton, N. J., en route to 
Washington, D. C, to be inaugurated. I was then re- 
siding in Trenton, a practicing lawyer, as now. I stood 
within a few feet of him, in our State House there, when 
he significantly said, in the course of his brief remarks, 
that while he meant peace and hoped for peace, "it 
might become necessary to put the foot down firmly 
[and he brought his great foot down with a stamp] ; 
and if it does, you will stand by me, won't you?" And 
he was answered by the people with wild applause, that 
shook the very dome of the Capitol. 

On March 4th following, I was in Washington, D. C 
and stood directly in front of Mr. Lincoln, not fifty paces 
away, in the midst of fifty thousand people, when he de- 

9 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

livered his first inaugural, from the east front of the 
Capitol; and declared it t(^e his duty and purpose to 
''repossess and occupy our captured arsenals and forts;" 
and, with the vast multitude assembled there, cheered 
him to the echo. It was reputed he had weakened, 
under the menace of Secession, and that in his inaugural 
he would go back on his platform and record; but as he 
read on, with his spectacles far down upon his nose and 
glancing out occasionally over them, the real nature 
and fiber of his mind and heart more and more appeared, 
and before he concluded nobody could doubt where he 
stood as President. Not Washington could have been 
more patriotic and sagacious, nor Andrew Jackson more 
unyielding. 

As Mr. Lincoln read on, Stephen A. Douglas stood 
near by, leaning against a pillar of the Capitol, with his 
hat off and long hair thrown back, gazing out over the 
vast assemblage like a lion in repose, and smiling his ap- 
proval as the crowd cheered. That night I attended 
the inauguration ball, and shook hands with both Lin- 
coln and Douglas. With the change of administrations, 
soon the nation breathed freer — now that Buchanan at 
last was out and Lincoln was in. 

Then came the firing on Fort Sumter, Mr. Lincoln's 
first call for troops, and the great uprising of the North 
(April, 1861); but I still lingered in my office. Then 
came Bull Run, and other calls for troops; and soon 
afterward I closed my office and found myself in camp at 
Washington, D. C. (August, 1861). 

It was not long before Mr. Lincoln visited our camp 
(5th Regt. N. J. Vols., 2d N. J. Brigade), as he was in 
the habit of riding or driving daily among the camps; 
and I seldom rode into Washington that I did not see 
him about the White House, or the War or Treasury 
Departments. Here he was always unattended, and gen- 

10 



Abraham Lincoln 

erally alone, and walked along with the serious air of a 
country lawyer intent on business. His face had become 
graver,' and his look more determined. But he was still 
chatty and cheery, when meeting an acquamtance (a 
member of Congress or a brigadier general) ; and cracked 
many a joke or told '^a little story," as best smted to the 

occasion. , , j ^.i. 

In December, 1861, our brigade was ordered down the 
Potomac, on the Maryland side, opposite Cockpit 
Point, Va., to a place significantly called "Rum Pomt — 
though we found no ''rum" there. It was not a village 
even, but onlv a projecting point of land. Here we 
joined the other two brigades of General Joseph 
Hooker, and with them constituted the famous "Hook- 
er's Division" of the Army of the Potomac, and subse- 
quently (in the spring and summer of 1862) made the 
Peninsula and second Bull Run campaigns under 
'Tighting Joe." 

I saw no more of President Lincoln, until after the 
bloody blunder of Fredericksburg (December, 1862). 
Then Hooker was given command of the Army of the Po- 
tomac, and soon afterward (I think along toward spring) 
Mr. Lincoln came down from Washington and attended 
one of our grand reviews. It was a great day for Gen- 
eral Hooker— Major General commanding the Army— 
and he was equal to it. I suppose fully sixty thousand 
men were in line or more— infantry, cavalry, artillery, 
wagon trains, etc. But as the artillery saluted the Pres- 
ident, the mule trains took fright, and in spite of quarter- 
masters, wagonmasters, and teamsters, went thundering 
down upon our well-ordered lines pell-mell— almost as 
bad as a Confederate cavalry charge. How the panic- 
stricken mules did "whee-haw" and the army wagons 
"rattlety-bang" that day over the Stafford plains!^ It 
was like another battle of Fredericksburg, on a minor 

II 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

scale! Mr. Lincoln was on horseback, of course, by the 
side of General Hooker, ^ith Hooker's brilHant staff 
trailing after them like the tail of a comet, and appar- 
ently enjoyed our comical discomfiture and skedaddle 
to the full. 

On this occasion, as on all similar occasions, when 
visiting the Army, Mr. Lincoln was dressed in citizens* 
black, with tall silk hat, long frock coat, and high top 
boots with spurs, and, though not a bad rider, 

*' With his gaunt, gnarled hands, 

His unkempt, bristling hair. 
His garb uncouth, his bearing ill at ease, 
And lack of all we prize as debonair," 

was yet anything but a handsome horseman in the midst 
of our brigadier generals, colonels, captains, lieutenants, 
etc., well mounted as a rule and resplendent in gold lace 
and brass buttons on review, however plainly attired on 
the march or in battle. 

The next time I saw Mr. Lincoln was on Sunday, July 
5, 1863 — the Sunday after the battles of Gettysburg and 
Vicksburg — and it happened on this wise: Gettysburg 
was fought on July i, 2, and 3, 1863. In the great conflict 
of Thursday, July 2 — (held by many to have been the real 
battle of Gettysburg, because of the heavy fighting and 
tremendous Confederate losses, which sapped the life of 
Lee's army) — General Daniel E. Sickles, of N. Y., com- 
manding the Third Corps, had lost his right leg, and 
on the Sunday following (July 5) arrived in Washington, 
D. C, with his leg amputated above the knee. He was 
taken to a private dwelling on F Street, nearly opposite 
the Ebbitt House; and here I found him in a front room 
on the first floor, resting on a hospital stretcher, when I 
called to see him, about 3 p. m. I was then a Lieutenant 
Colonel on his staff, and naturally anxious to see my 
chief. 

12 



Abraham Lincoln 

We had not been talking long, when his orderly an- 
nounced his excellency the President; and immediately 
afterward Mr. Lincoln walked into the room, accom- 
panied by his son '*Tad," then a lad of perhaps ten or 
twelve years. He was staying out at the Soldiers* 
Home; but, having learned of General Sickles's arrival in 
Washington, rode in on horseback to call on him, with a 
squad of cavalry as escort. They shook hands cordially, 
but pathetically; and it was easy to see that they both 
held each other in high esteem. They were both bom 
politicians. They both loved the Union sincerely and 
heartily. And Sickles had already shown such high 
qualities, both as statesman and soldier, that Lincoln 
had been quick to perceive his weight and value in the 
great struggle then shaking the nation. Besides, Sickles 
was a War Democrat, astute and able; and Mr. Lincoln 
was too shrewd a Republican to pass any of these by in 
those perilous war days. 

Greetings over, Mr. Lincoln dropped into a chair, and, 
crossing his prodigious arms and legs, soon fell to ques- 
tioning Sickles, as to all the phases of the combat at 
Gettysburg. He asked first, of course, as to General 
Sickles's own ghastly wound; when and how it hap- 
pened, and how he was getting on, and encouraged him; 
then passed next to our great casualties there, and how 
the wounded were being cared for; and finally came to 
the magnitude and significance of the victory there, and 
what General Meade proposed to do with it. 

Sickles, recumbent on his stretcher, with a cigar be- 
tween his fingers, pui^ng it leisurely, answered Mr. Lin- 
coln in detail, but warily, as became so astute a man and 
soldier; and discussed the great battle and its probable 
consequences with a lucidity and ability remarkable in his 
condition then — enfeebled and exhausted as he was by 
the shock and danger of such a wound and amputation. 

13 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Occasionally he would wince with pain, and call sharply 
to his orderly to wet hi^^vered stump with water. But 
he never dropped his cigar, nor lost the thread of his nar- 
rative, nor missed the point of their discussion. His in- 
tellect certainly seemed as strong and astute as ever; 
and in an acquaintance with him of now over thirty-five 
years I never saw it work more accurately and keenly. 
He certainly got his side of the story of Gettysburg well 
into the President's mind and heart that Sunday after- 
noon; and this doubtless stood him in good stead after- 
ward, when Meade proposed to court-martial him for 
fighting so magnificently, if unskillfully (which remains 
to be proved), on that bloody and historic July 2d. 

"No," replied Honest Old Abe; ''no, we can't do that. 
General Sickles may have erred ; we are all liable to ! But 
at any rate he fought superbly! He gave his leg — his 
life almost — for the Union! And now there is glory 
enough to go around for all." 

When Mr. Lincoln's inquiries seemed ended General 
Sickles, after a puf¥ or two of his cigar in silence, re- 
sumed the conversation substantially as follows: 

"Well, Mr. President, I beg pardon, but what did you 
think about Gettysburg? What was your opinion of 
things while we were campaigning and fighting up 
there?" 

"O," replied Mr. Lincoln, "I didn't think much about 
it. I was not much concerned about you!" 

"You were not?" rejoined Sickles, as if amazed. 
"Why, we heard that you Washington folks were a 
good deal excited, and you certainly had good cause to 
be. For it was 'nip and tuck' with us a good deal of 
the time!" 

^'Yes, I know that. And I suppose some of us were a 
little 'rattled.' Indeed, some of the Cabinet talked of 
Washington's being captured, and ordered a gunboat or 

H 



Abraham Lincoln 

two here, and even went so far as to send some govern- 
ment archives aboard, and wanted me to go, too, but I 
refused. Stanton and Welles, I believe, were both 'stam- 
peded' somewhat, and Seward, 1 reckon, too. But I 
said: 'No, gentlemen, we are all right and we are going 
to win at Gettysburg;' and we did, right handsomely. 
No, General Sickles, 1 had no fears of Gettysburg!" 

''Why not, Mr. President? How was that? Pretty 
much everybody down here, we heard, was more or less 
panicky." 

"Yes, I expect, and a good many more than will own 
up now. But actually General Sickles, I had no fears 
of Gettysburg, and if you really want to know I will tell 
you why. Of course, I don't want you and Colonel 
Rusling here to say anything about this — at least not 
now. People might laugh if it got out, you know. 
But the fact is, in the very pinch of the campaign there, 
I went to my room one day and got down on my knees, 
and prayed Almighty God for victory at Gettysburg. I 
told Him that this was His country, and the war was 
His war, but that we really couldn't stand another 
Fredericksburg or Chancellorsville. And then and 
tliere I made a solemn vow with my Maker, that if He 
would stand by you boys at Gettysburg, I would stand 
by Him. 

"And after thus wrestling with the Almighty in prayer, 
I don't know how it was, and it is not for me to explain, 
but, somehow or other, a sweet comfort crept into my 
soul, that God Almighty had taken the whole business 
there into His own hands, and we were bound to win at 
Gettysburg! And He did stand by you boys at Gettys- 
burg, and now I will stand by Him. No, General Sickles, 
I had no fears of Gettysburg, and that is the ivhyT 

Mr. Lincoln said all this with great solemnity and im- 
pressiveness, almost as Moses might have spoken when 
3 IS 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

he came down from Sinai. When he had concluded 
there was a pause in tha^onversation, that nobody 
seemed disposed to break. Mr. Lincoln especially 
seemed to be communing with the Infinite One again. 
The first to speak was General Sickles, who, between 
the puft's of his cigar, presently resumed, as follows: 

''Well, Mr. President, what are you thinking about 
Vicksburg, nowadays? How are things getting along 
down there?" 

'*0," answered Mr. Lincoln, very gravely, 'T don't 
quite know. Grant is still pegging away down there. 
As we used to say out in Illinois, I think he 'will make 
a spoon or spoil a horn' before he gets through. Some 
of our folks think him slow and want me to remove him. 
But, to tell the truth, I kind of Hke U. S. Grant. He 
doesn't worry and bother me. He isn't shrieking for 
reinforcements all the time. He takes what troops we 
can safely give him, considering our big job all around — 
and we have a pretty big job in this war — and does the 
best he can with what he has got, and doesn't grumble 
and scold all the while. Yes, I confess, I like General 
Grant — U. S. Grant — 'L^ncle Sam Grant!' [dwelling 
humorously on this last name.] There is a great deal 
to him, first and last. And, Heaven helping me, unless 
something happens more than I see now, I mean to 
stand by Grant a good w^hile yet." 

"So, then, you have no fears about Vicksburg either, 
Mr. President?" added General Sickles. 

"Well, no; T can't say that I have," replied Mr. Lin- 
coln, very soberly; "the fact is — but don't say anything 
about this either just now — I have been praying to Al- 
mighty God for Vicksburg also. I have wrestled with 
Him, and told Him how much we need the Mississippi, 
and how it ought to flow unvexed to the sea, and how 
that great valley ought to be forever free, and I reckon 

i6 



) ;, 



Abraham Lincoln 

He understands the whole business down there, 'from 
A to Izzard.' I have done the very best I could to help 
General Grant along, and all the rest of our generals, 
though some of them don't think so, and now it is kind 
of borne in on me that somehow or other we are going to 
win at Vicksburg too. I can't tell how soon. But I 
believe we will. For this will save the Mississippi and 
bisect the Confederacy; and be in line with God's laws 
besides. And if Grant only does this thing down there 
— I don't care much how, so he does it right — why, Grant 
is my man and I am his the rest of this war!" 

Of course, Mr. Lincoln did not then know that Vicks- 
burg had already fallen, on July 4, and that a United 
States gunboat was then speeding its way up the Miss- 
issippi to Cairo with the glorious news that was soon to 
thrill the country and the civilized world through and 
through. Gettysburg and Vicksburg! Our great twin 
Union victories ! What were they not to us in that fate- 
ful summer of 1863? And what would have happened 
to the American Republic had both gone the other way? 
Of course, I do not pretend to say that Abraham Lin- 
coln's faith and prayers saved Gettysburg and Vicks- 
burg. But they certainly did not do the Union any 
harm. And to him his serene confidence in victory there, 
because of these, was a comfort and a joy most beautiful 
to behold, on that memorable July 5, 1863. 

J never saw Mr. Lincoln again. In November, 1863, 
while serving at General Meade's headquarters (Army 
of the Potomac), I was suddenly ordered West to Ten- 
nessee (Department of the Cumberland) by Secretary 
Stanton; and I was still there in 1865, when Mr. Lincoln 
was assassinated. But this conversation made a deep 
impression upon me, and seems worthy to be recorded 
here. Clearly it settles the questio vexata of his religious 
faith forever. Perhaps it should be added that I made 

17 . 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

notes of it shortly afterward, and have often told it since, 
and now give it here as li^ally as possible — much of it 
ipsissima verba} 

The talk afterward took a wide range, but Mr. Lincoln 
said nothing conflicting with the above, and left the pro- 
found impression upon both General Sickles and myself 
that in these two great national emergencies he walked 
and talked with Jehovah — or at least believed he did. 
Did he not take like counsel on other occasions, as be- 
fore Antietam and Chattanooga and Appomattox? 
For W'hatever he may have been in earlier years and 
under narrower conditions, it seems certain that our 
great conflict as it proceeded — involving a whole con- 
tinent and a vast people, with world-wide and time- 
long results — sobered and steadied him, and anchored 
him on God as the Supreme Ruler of nations (as a like 
experience sobered and anchored William of Orange 
and Cromwell and Washington); and in the end Abra- 
ham Lincoln became a ruler worthy to rank with even 
these. 

Of all the great figures of our Civil War, Abraham 
Lincoln alone looms up loftier and grander as the years 
roll on; and his place in the pantheon of history is secure 
forever. As was well sung of a true knight of old : 

"His good sword is rust; 

His bones are dust; 

His soul is with the saints, we trust." 

Among all his great contemporaries, he still stands and 
will forever stand, as Goldsmith well said : 

"As some tall cliff that lifts its awful form, 
Swells from the vale, and midway leaves the storm. 
Though round its breast the rolling clouds are spread. 
Eternal sunshine settles on its head." 

> See Appendix, p. 355. 
18 




Andrew Johnson, J 864. 



Andrew Johnson 



CHAPTER II 
Andrew Johnson 

My first chapter being on Abraham Lincoln, it seems 
fitting- to follow it with one on Andrew Johnson. 

I became interested in Andrew Johnson before the 
war, as a senator from Tennessee, and an advocate of the 
Homestead bill, when all other Southern senators, I be- 
lieve, were hostile to it. This bill proposed to divide 
our Western Territories into small farms of one hundred 
and sixty acres each, and to give them to actual settlers 
there, and therefore was in the interests of free labor, 
and, of course, the South opposed it because it was hos- 
tile to slave labo . Johnson, nevertheless, courageously 
supported it, Congress after Congress; but it never be- 
came a law unti the Southern statesmen seceded, and 
then the RepubUcan majority placed it on the statute 
book, and urxder its wise and beneficent provisions the 
great West soon became an empire of small farmers. 

I always thought Andrew Johnson deserved credit 
for his manly advocacy of this bill, antagonistic as it 
was to his own section. Therefore, I was not surprised 
to see him take his stand by the Union in the dark winter 
of 1 860-6 T, when the whole South, as a rule, went drift- 
ing to treason and rebellion. 

I saw him first in March, 1861, in the Senate Chamber 
at Washington, D. C. I think it was March 3. On 
the invitation of an old and valued friend from Trenton, 
N. J., now a millionaire several times over (Samuel K. 
Wilson, Esq., the best friend I ever had), I had gone 
down there to ''see Lincoln inaugurated," in common 
with many Republicans from the North, and on March 3 

19 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

found myself and friend in the Senate gallery listening 
to the Southern senators as they made their farewell 
speeches. Among the rest was Wigfall, of Texas. He 
said, in substance, in his most bitter and eloquent style: 
"The Star of the West, flying your flag, swaggered into 
Charleston Harbor with supplies for Fort Sumter. 
South Carolina struck her between the eyes, and she 
staggered back; and now, what do you propose to do 
about it?" He sat down, and for a time nobody re- 
sponded. It was a bitter taunt and defiance to the 
Union, and yet Seward and Sumner and Cameron and 
Chandler and Crittenden and all the rest sat silent, until 
the silence grew painful. 

Then suddenly up rose Andrew Johnson, and in the 
midst of a stillness that could almost be felt he said, sub- 
stantially: *'Mr. President, I will tell the senator from 
Texas what I would do about it. I speak only for my- 
self. But if I were President, as James Buchanan today 
is, and as Abraham Lincoln tomorrow will be, I would 
arrest the senator and his friends on the charge of high 
treason; I would have them tried by a jury of their 
countrymen, and, if convicted, by the eternal God, I 
would hang them!" He sat down as if shot, and for a 
minute or so the silence was even profounder than be- 
fore. 

Then away up in one corner of the gallery an unknown 
man sprang to his feet and, waving his hat, shouted out: 
''Three cheers for Andrew Johnson!" Three thou- 
sand Northerners crowded the galleries, but we rose as 
one man and gave three mighty cheers, such as the 
American Senate had never heard before. Of course, 
it was a "breach of the privileges of the Senate," and 
John C. Br ckenridge (a double-dyed traitor), who sat 
in the Vice President's chair, immediately ordered the 
galleries cleared. Again that unknown man called out: 

20 



Andrew Johnson 

''And now three cheers for the Union!" and we gave 
these even mightier than before, amid the tossing of hats 
and waving of handkerchiefs; and then we filed out into 
the corridors of the Capitol, men shouting and hurrah- 
ing, and some even crying like children. This was my 
first personal experience of Andrew Johnson, and, I con- 
fess, greatly impressed me in his favor, 
^^/^oon afterward he went home to Tennessee by way 
of Virginia, with his life threatened en route because he 
was a Union man • and I did not see him again until No- 
vember, 1863, when I w^as ordered to Nashville, and 
found him there in office as military governor of 
Tennessee. He had his headquarters in the classic State 
Capitol there, which he had fortified and barricaded and 
filled with troops (loyal East Tennesseans) ; and stood 
ready for legislation or battle, as the day might bring 
forth. 

From then on to February, 1865, when he left for 
Washington to be inaugurated as Vice President, I saw 
a great deal of him, and he always bore himself as a hero 
and a statesman. From early morning until late in the 
afternoon he was usually in the Executive Chamber, 
listening to the pathetic tales of the refugees and freed- 
men, who crowded to him. for counsel or relief from all 
parts of Tennessee; or else he was devising ways and 
means for their shelter and subsistence, or providing for 
their due enrollment in Union regiments and batteries. 

There was no one so humble or ragged or destitute, 
that he could not approach his excellency with his tale 
of woe, and no one left his presence without aid or com- 
fort of some sort. He early recognized the importance 
of freeing the slaves, and enlisting them on the side of 
the Union, and our freedmen had no truer friend in Ten- 
nessee than Andrew Johnson during all those dark days. 

In personal appearance and deportment he was a 

21 




Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

model American statesrna^i of those years, and was 
greatly honored and esteemed by all who came in con- 
tact with him — except rebels and traitors. Of course, 
these latter hated him bitterly, with an intensity of 
hatred inconceivable to Northerners. But, all the same, 
Andrew Johnson held on his course, and in the darkest 
hours there (as after Chickamauga and before Nashville, 
when the hearts of men like Stanton and Grant even 
misgave them) he 

" Bated no jot of heart or hope, 

But still bore up, 

And steered right forward." 

It is enough to his credit to say that he possessed the 
absolute confidence of Rosecrans, of Thomas, of Sher- 
man, of Grant — of all who commanded out there — as 
well as of President Lincoln; while the rank and file of 
our Union troops w^ere enthusiastic in his behalf. 

In February, 1865, he left for Washington, and I did 
not see him again until August of that year, when I hap- 
pened to be in Washington, and called at the White 
House to pay my respects to him as President. He was 
apparently the same simple, afifable, approachable Amer- 
ican citizen as previously, patriotic and Union-loving to 
the core./Ztiow he afterward came to cast himself into 
the arms of his old enemies, during our baleful period of 
reconstruction, has always been to me a mystery and a 
puzzle. 

In September or October, 1865, I was one of a com- 
mittee of Jerseymen to call upon him, in the interest of 
our freedmen and of the Fifteenth Amendment, and he 
was still stanch and steadfast in their behalf. When 
afterward he turned his back upon them (though once 
posing as their "Moses"), and upon all his own Union 
record, it was as if the sun had gone out at midday or 
another star had fallen — like Lucifer, son of the morn- 

22 



Andrew Johnson 

ing, or Julian the Apostate, or Benedict Arnold. Indeed, 
human politics is a queer profession and often a sad busi- 
ness. How often a disappointed statesman in his 
declining years turns upon his life record, and seeks to 
rend it and his old friends to pieces, and to tear down 
and destroy what he was a lifetime in building up; 
as vide Webster, Seward, Sumner, Greeley, and Andrew 
Johnson — not to mention others elsewhere or of more 
recent times! God save any man from such a fate! 

In 1866-67 I w^s absent. South and West, on long 
tours of army inspection, and did not see President 
Johnson again until September, 1867. Meanwhile he 
had become embroiled with Congress and General 
Grant, and had ''swung around the circle" to the other 
side; while I had continued ''steadfast in the faith" as a 
Republican. My army service was now ended, having 
resigned and been ordered mustered out, and I called at 
the White House to say "good-bye." He kindly asked 
about my future, and made proffer of his services; but we 
were now traveling on different roads, and, of course, I 
could not avail myself of his good offices. 

I never saw him afterward, but can never forget his 
sterling patriotism and superb heroism in the days when 
they were most needed. Personally, he was certainly 
honest and incorruptible. He was loyal to his friends 
and true to his word. He had absolute faith in the peo- 
ple, and meant well by the republic. And with all his 
errors and mistakes (due largely to his time and section 
and education — or rather want of education), I have 
nevertheless always kept a warm place in my heart for 
Andrew Johnson. Abraham Lincoln loved and trusted 
him. And had Abraham Lincoln lived, Andrew John- 
son would have turned out a different man. 

23 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER III 
George B. McClellan 

When the war began, in April, 1861, I had no fancy 
for soldiering, and after debating the question well 
concluded I would do my fighting best at home. But 
after Bull Run I thought I saw clearly we were in for a 
four years' job at least, and in August, 1861, decided to 
enter the service. Accordingly, I joined the Fifth New 
Jersey, as a first lieutenant, and in the last days of 
August found myself in camp at Washington. 

General McClellan had already assumed command of 
the Army of the Potomac, and, fresh from his victories 
in West Virginia, was being heralded as our ''Young 
Napoleon.'' We now know that these West Virginia 
victories did not amount to much, and that Rosecrans 
really did the business there — what there was of it. But 
compared with Big Bethel and Bull Run, and our other 
military exploits at that time, they loomed up like Ma- 
rengo and Austerlitz. As McClellan was in chief com- 
mand, of course he got the credit; and soon became the 
hero of the hour. 

As my first commander, I saluted and honored him; 
and in many respects he was indeed the beau ideal of a 
soldier. He certainly took hold of the green and 
awkward Army of the Potomac with intelligence and 
skill, and soon put new life and vigor into it. Our de- 
moralized regiments and brigades were reorganized and 
divisioned; our disorganized batteries were rehorsed and 
equipped and put to drill; our forts were overhauled; 
and our line of defenses extended and strengthened. 
Though his headquarters were in a house in the heart of 

24 




Gen. George B« McClellan, J 862. 



George B. McClellan 

Washington (a military mistake, as I always thought), 
yet he was in the saddle a portion of each day, and all 
parts of the army soon became familiar with his presence 
and person. His inspections and reviews were of week- 
ly occurrence, and, notwithstanding current criticisms, 
were a constant and valuable school of drill and disci- 
pline to both oflftcers and men. 

McClellan was then a moderate-sized man, apparently 
about thirty-five years of age, with a sharp, quick eye, a 
clear-cut nose, dark brown hair, mustache, and im- 
perial; and he sat upon his handsome horse like a born 
centaur. His uniform and horse equipments were 
modest: his bearing was dignified and soldierly; and 
though his jaw and chin lacked massiveness and 
strength, yet, on the whole, it goes without saying, he 
made an excellent impression in all our camps. 

This continued well into the fall — that superb fall of 
1861. But when autumn was over and past, and a hun- 
dred thousand of us — the very fiower of the North — all 
volunteers, not a drafted man or a substitute among us 
— now well drilled and disciplined, still lay idle within 
the defenses of Washington, while the Confederate flag 
floated unchallenged within view of the Capitol, it is not 
to be wondered at that we began to lose faith in our 
young Napoleon; and when winter wore on, and still 
nothing was attempted (except the fiasco of Ball's Blutif 
and the sacrifice of poor General Baker), we naturally 
grew impatient and disappointed. 

His slow and uncertain movement in the early spring 
of 1862 against Centreville, where he found only 
''Quaker guns" instead of the impregnable fortifications 
he anticipated, did not help his waning reputation. 
And when afterward we sailed down the Potomac and 
landed in the mud before Yorktown, and settled down to 
a slow siege, instead of marching straight after the re- 

'-25 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

treating enemy, a goocj^iany of us made up our 
minds that Richmond was yet a long way off under 
"Little Mac." A month's delay before Yorktown, 
where our fighting was chiefly with the spade and shovel, 
in bottomless mud, while a division or two of Confed- 
erates were permitted to hold our great army at bay, 
until they got ready to retire, did not add to our good 
humor. 

Then came Williamsburg, with "Little Mac" fourteen 
miles to the rear,^ "superintending the embarkation of 
troops," according to the Comte de Paris (Vol. II, page 
1 8); which a brigade commander or an aid could have 
done quite as well or better! Here he allowed Hooker, 
with his single unsupported division, to engage the 
whole rear guard of the Confederate Army, much his 
superior, while the rest of our Army (one hundred and 
twenty thousand strong)- looked on; and only the timely 
arrival of Kearny, marching to the sound of the enemy's 
cannon, and full of first-class fighting quaUties, saved us 
from rout and ruin there. 

It is true, Hancock came in at the finish and occupied 
some redoubts near Fort Magruder. But his fighting 
was small and loss inconsiderable (only thirty-one men) 
compared with Hooker's, who here lost some fifteen 
hundred men in killed and wounded — the very flower of 
his division.^ Yet McClellan telegraphed to Washing- 
ton that Hancock was superb, ''his conduct brilliant in 
the extreme;" and barely alluded to Hooker and Kearny 
— he believed they had done some fighting and ''lost 
considerably on our left!"^ It is true he corrected this 
a week afterward (May ii), and did them partial jus- 
tice.^ But they never forgave him for being "fourteen 

* War Records, vol. xi, part 5, p 22. 

' Comte de Paris, vol. ii, p. 14. War Records, vol. xi, part iii, p. 130. 
3 War Records, vol. xi, part i, p. 22, 23. 

* fbt'd., Vdl. xi, part i. p. 448. 

* Ibid.^ vol. xi, part iii, p. 164, 165. 

26 



George B. McClellan 

miles" in the rear, and ignorant of their terrific fighting 
and terrible losses. And, singularly, he repeats this in- 
justice in his ''Ofticial Report of the Peninsular Cam- 
paign"^ and also in his "Ozvn Story,'' p. 33. 

Williamsburg over, we crept up the Peninsula at the 
rate of four or five miles a day, when we ought to have 
made forced marches (twenty or thirty miles a day), and 
finally sat down at Fair Oaks, astride of the Chicka- 
hominy, as if specially inviting the attack we soon got. 
It was only God's Providence, and Sumner's pluck, and 
Hooker and Kearny's magnificent fighting, that saved 
us from utter ruin there. As it was, we got a thorough 
drubbing on Saturday, as we deserved; but recovered 
our ground on Sunday. And both Hooker and Kearny 
always said we could then have marched straight 
into Richmond, had McClellan but given the order. 
I remember seeing Hooker and Kearny in fierce con- 
versation about this, soon after noon of that sweltering 
Sunday; Hooker on horseback and Kearny in his shirt 
sleeves, with his hat ofif and a red bandanna about his 
neck, standing under his tent-fiy by the roadside and 
gesticulating violently with his remaining arm — both 
of them amazed and excited at McClellan's orders. 

But instead of advancing and attacking Richmond, 
we halted at Fair Oaks and lay there over a month, in 
the heart of the Chickahominy vSwamps; our only drink- 
ing water polluted with the dead and decaying bodies of 
both men and horses, and the very atmosphere fetid and 
heavy with miasma and malaria. We here lost more 
men from fever and disease than a pitched battle would 
have cost us. We buried our dead on the battlefield 
(nearly a thousand of them) in shallow graves, and 
burned the bodies of ovtr dead horses, because the 
ground was too swampy to bury them, and our only 

i ITar Records, vol. xi, part i, pp. 22, 23. 
27 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

drinking- water was froi^ springs and swamp-holes 
vitiated by all these. Fair Oaks! it has always seemed 
to me rather like a synonym for Tophet or Purgatory. I 
always look back to my army life there as a hideous and 
horrible nightmare. Its only redeeming feature to me 
was, that while encamped there I received my first pro- 
motion (at the hands of Abraham Lincoln), and rejoiced 
in the double bars of a captain (June 1 1, 1862)! 

Then came our ''Seven Days' Battle/' and ''strategic 
change of base," so called, to Harrison's Landing, with 
our superb fighting at Savage Station, Glendale, and 
Malvern Hill, when we could again have gone straight 
to Richmond — the Confederates were so thoroughly 
used up — had anybody been present after Malvern Hill 
to give the order. But "Little Mac" was again absent 
— on a James River gunboat. Why was he not in the 
midst of his bleeding yet victorious army, and ready to 
lead it "On to Richmond?" 

As we quitted our lines at Fair Oaks (monuments of 
labor and industry — great achievements with the spade) 
late at night, June 28, with orders to destroy our bag- 
gage, tents, and surplus stores, but not to burn them 
(lest we should disclose our movements to the enemy), 
one of the headquarters staiY oi^cers remarked to me: 

"Why, Captain, this is only a strategic change of 
base!" 

"Well, yes. Major," I replied, "I hope so. But it 
looks to me more like a skedaddle.** 

And so it proved. 

McClellan's original order for this movement — to the 
Third Corps at least, whether to the rest of the army or 
not — was a field telegram; and was handed to me to read 
by our Adjutant General, for my guidance and instruc- 
tion. This was just after dark Saturday, June 28, 1862, 
about 8 p. m. In substance it said: 

28 



George B. McClellan 

"The general commanding directs that the trains be 
loaded with ammunition and subsistence, and dispatched 
as promptly as possible by Savage Station, across 
White Oak Swamp, in the direction of James River. All 
trunks and private baggage, and all camp equipage, will 
be abandoned and destroyed, but not burned. The gen- 
eral commanding trusts his brave troops will bear these 
privations with their wonted fortitude, as it will be but 
for a few days." 

I had been up all the night before, and in the saddle for 
two days mostly, and had just "turned in" for a night's 
rest; but I dressed quickly, and was again soon on horse- 
back. I was then Brigade Quartermaster (Third Bri- 
gade, Hooker's Division, Third Corps). We proceeded 
to carry out this order, and the other two brigades of our 
division did the same. We cut and slashed our tents 
with knives, and ripped them to pieces — many of them 
new Sibley and hospital tents. We chopped and 
broke the tent-poles. We knocked our trunks 
and valises to pieces with axes and spades. Our surplus 
clothing was cut and torn to rags. Our headquarter of- 
ficers doffed their old uniforms, in which they had been 
campaigning so far, and donned their best ones — resolved 
that, if they had to abandon any, they would leave the 
old ones — and I did the same. But nothing was set on 
fire that night, lest the Johnnies should learn of our 
movement prematurely. Then we loaded up our wag- 
ons with ammunition and rations, as ordered, and 
started them for the James River, and in due time with- 
drew from our lines and followed after them. The next 
morning the rear guard set fire to our abandoned stores 
and property, and there was a general conflagration at 
Fair Oaks, etc. 

I give these facts so precisely, because this "Baggage- 
destroying Order" was never published by General Mc- 

29 



Men and Things 1 Saw in Civil War Days 

Clellan, and his friends h^ve ventured to deny it. The 
copies of it issued to our brigade, 1 have always under- 
stood, were burned up at Bristoe Station, in August, 
1862, when Stonewall Jackson captured a train of cars 
there, containing among other things all the official 
desks and baggage of our brigade, and set fire to every- 
thing. But I recorded the substance of it in my private 
journal, for Saturday, June 28, 1862, and have the record 
still.i 

In 1864, when McClellan was running for President, 
and this ''Order" was denied, I published the above in 
the Nezu York Tribune, and challenged contradiction; 
but it never came. I did the same in the Century Maga- 
zine for May, 1889, with like result. The only explana- 
tion I have ever heard is, that this order was issued to a 
part of the Army, but not to the rest, because of protests 
from leading officers that it might demoralize the 
troops, and so was afterward suppressed as uncanny, if 
not unmilitary. It is strange that no copy has ever been 
produced. Was none preserved by any officer? Or 
were all burned up at Bristoe, as aforesaid?^ 

At Harrison's Landing, of course, we w^ere safe — 
under the secure shelter of our gunboats. Or, as ''Little 
Mac" phrased it July i, "I fear I shall be forced to aban- 
don my material to save my men under the eover of the 
gunboats'' {War Records, Vol. XI, Part 3, p. 280.) 
The same day he telegraphed, "Rodgers wall do all that 
can be done to cover my flanks (with his gunboats)." 
And again, "More gunboats are much needed." (Ibid, 
pp. 281, 282.) And still again, "I shall do my best to 
save the army. Send more gunboats." (Ibid, p. 280.) 

Lee certainly had the Army of the Potomac now 
where he wanted it — where it did not menace Rich- 



' Also in my letters home. See chap, xv, p. 28 
2 See Appendix, p. 359. 

30 



George B. McClellan 

mond, and was fairly eliminated. How he must have 
laughed at "Little Mac," and his "strategic change of 
base!" To show his contempt for the whole business, 
garrisoning Richmond well, he marched leisurely down 
the Valley, hoping to take Washington by a coup; and 
he would have done so, had it not been for General Pope 
and his gallant if unsuccessful fighting. 

Then came our promenade down the Peninsula and 
back to Yorktown again, after all our heavy fighting and 
frightful losses, and our tardy reembarkation back to 
Alexandria; with "Little Mac" in the rear, as usual, 
when he should have been at the front, hurrying his 
troops forward. He took ''a savage satisfaction in be- 
ing the last to leave" Harrison's Landing; he "remained 
constantly with the rear guard;" he "remained on the 
Chickahominy until the bridge was removed" (his 
"Own Story/' pp. 468-9); and was among the last to 
arrive at Yorktown, when he should have been among 
the first there, and hastening our reembarkation. He 
seems to have misconceived the entire "sitviation." 
Ordinarily his position in the rear would have been 
right, had our rear been in danger or even seriously 
menaced. But, once under way down the Peninsula, 
Lee paid no attention to our humiliating retreat — he 
was after "bigger game" — and, therefore, McClellan 
should have left the care of his rear guard to some good 
division or corps commander, and hastened back to 
Washington, to see how best he could help there. 
Had Lee taken Washington, no man can tell what 
would have happened — probably the recognition, if not 
the triumph, of the Confederacy. But, thanks to Hooker, 
Kearny, Reynolds, Heintzelman, McDowell, and others, 
who rushed their commands to the front, ready or not 
ready, Pope was saved ; and saving Pope then and there 
nieant saving the republic. 

3 31 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Hooker landed at Alexandria, and so eager was he to 
succor Pope, he marched mimediately to the front, with 
his field officers on foot — their horses being yet on ship- 
board somewhere down the Potomac — and Kearny, I 
think, did the same. Franklin (one of McClellan's fa- 
vorites) landed, and, after leisurely reequipping his 
corps, called on Pope for cavalry to patrol his advance, 
and when he found Pope had not any, marched as far as 
Annandale, five or six miles out, August 29, and halted, 
because ''detachments of the enemy's cavalry were re- 
ported'' between Alexandria and Centreville, and Mc- 
Clellan did not deem it ''safe for Franklin to march 
beyond," notwithstanding his splendid corps then 
numbered over ten thousand infantry, two squadrons 
of cavalry, and several batteries of artillery.^ What 
did he want of cavalry to ''patrol his advance?" He 
w^as strong enough to march anywhere there, with 
Pope all beyond him, and only "detachments of the 
enemy," if any, between. Had he pushed on to Centre- 
ville, August 29, as he should have done (and might have 
done), he would have arrived in time to save Pope pos- 
sibly in his great battle of August 30. But, as it was, he 
"halted at Annandale," and did not reach Centreville 
until the evening of the 30th, after the battle was 
over. 

Of course, there were wild reports of the enemy's cav- 
alry being between Alexandria and Centreville at that 
time — McClellan's headquarters abounded with such ru- 
mors. And yet, about that time, I myself marched from 
Alexandria to Centreville, at the head of my brigade 
headquarters wagon train, without seeing or hearing of 
a Confederate soldier. T had been absent on "sick leave" 
from Harrison's Landing, and returning found this wag- 

' Comte de Paris, vol. ii, p. 294; IVar Records^ vol. xii, part 2, pp. 710, 722, 723, 
739, 740. McClellan's Own Story, pp. 514, 516, 517. War Records^ vol. xi, part i, 
P- 99- 

32 



George B. McClellan 

on train, with the horses of the field officers of my bri- 
gade, at Alexandria, while their owners were at the front, 
marching and fighting on foot. Knowing how trying 
this must be, I obtained an order from McClellan's head- 
quarters to pass the lines, and hastened to Centreville, 
via Fairfax Court House. I was told at McClellan's 
headquarters that I could not get there; that the coun- 
try was infested with Confederates; that Mosby's cavalry 
would "gobble" me up, and the like. But I said I would 
take the chances! And so, interrogating all "contra- 
bands" en route, and scouting through all the dangerous- 
looking places, I arrived at Centreville, safe and sound; 
with only a handful of teamsters and camp followers! 
It is true, this was two or three days afterward; but the 
"situation" was still substantially the same, as reported 
then and there. 

Pope certainly fought sturdily and gallantly, and was 
loyal to the core. But he was outnumbered at first ; and 
his supports afterward came up by piecemeal, and he was 
beaten in detail, before he could get his incongruous 
commands together and weld them into one. The 
verdict of history must be, that neither Fitzjohn Por- 
ter nor Franklin supported him cordially — refraining 
therefrom, either consciously or unconsciously, because 
of McClellan. Their telegrams and dispatches at that 
time, as well as their actions (and inactions), go to show 
this.i 

I have always thought that both Porter and Franklin, 
as well as McClellan, should have been severely dealt 
with, because Ihey then "failed to do their utmost" for 
the Union cause. For a less offense England shot Ad- 
miral Byng in 1757, and by that act did much to make 
her navy the greatest sea power of modern times. 
Porter, it is true, was court-martialed and dismissed — 

* See Appendix, p. 360. 

33 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and afterward restored. But the judgment of his most 
thoughtful comrades was, that he was dealt with too 
leniently — many have always held he ought to have been 
"shot to death with musketry" — and they have regret- 
fully seen Httle since in his "newly-discovered evidence," 
so called, to change their opinions. So, McClellan's 
telegrams and letters to both Lincoln and Stanton, from 
the Peninsula and afterward, bordered on insubordina- 
tion, not to say mutiny; and how the President and Sec- 
retary endured their disrespect, not to say insolence, will 
astonish and amaze our future historians.^ 

Nevertheless, Pope was defeated, and now what was 
to be done? Poor Kearny had fallen at Chantilly, the 
idol of his division and the pride of the Army. Had he 
lived, doubtless he would have succeeded Pope. But 
Burnside was held inadequate, Hooker and Meade had 
not yet approved themselves; and so, as a dernier ressort, 
McClellan was allowed to drift into the command again. 
Then came Antietam — only a drawn battle, when it 
should have been a great and complete victory. By sin- 
gular good luck (or kindly providence), Lee's ''plan of 
campaign" fell into McClellan's hands ;^ and had he 
moved with celerity, Lee's army would have been struck 
while badly scattered, and beaten in detail — easily, if not 
overwhelmingly. But "Little Mac" sauntered along 
up into Maryland, at the rate of five or ten miles a day, 
after his manner, when he ought to have marched 
twenty or thirty; and when finally he struck the Con- 
federates they had pulled themselves together, and just 
missed whipping him. 

Nevertheless, Antietam was a victory, after a sort — 
Lee yielding the field at night and retiring into Virginia. 
It served to rehabilitate "Little Mac," and kept him in 

' See Appendix, p. 361, 

8 IVar Records, vol. xix, part 2, p. 281. Comte de Paris, vol. ii, p. 318. 

34 



George B. McClellan 

command until his extraordinary delay afterward (when 
he ought to have been whacking and hammering away 
at Lee's retreating army) finally exhausted the patience 
of President Lincoln even, and relegated our "Young 
Napoleon" to the peaceful Unes of Trenton, N. J., 
whence, singularly, he never emerged. In 1864, Grant, 
indeed, thought somewhat of caUing him to a command 
again; but it never materialized. 

And yet General McClellan was a brave man, a Chris- 
tian gentleman, and an American of fine parts in many 
ways. I myself have seen him calm and erect and 
cheery in exposed positions, amidst a very storm of shot 
and shell, while everybody else was seeking cover. 
Notably did this occur on the left at Fair Oaks, Wednes- 
day, June 25, 1862. There was a reconnoissance in 
force that day, chiefly by Hooker, to feel the enemy and 
advance our picket line. It was a superb June morning, 
with a slight breeze among the trees. The spectacle was 
magnificent, as Hooker swept down across the fields, 
his Hne half a mile long, his colors streaming in the 
breeze, his bayonets gHttering in the sunlight ; but with- 
out a drumbeat. The movement cost us, first and last, 
about three hundred men in killed and wounded, and re- 
sulted in nothing — a piece of useless slaughter — our 
line returning to where it started from. But, in the 
midst of our advance, McClellan and his staff (in- 
cluding the French princes)' rode over from head- 
quarters, to view the affair from a redoubt to the 
left of the WilHamsburg Road — called redoubt No. 3. 
Here also were General Heintzelman, and many staff of- 
ficers of the Third Corps — myself included. The Con- 
federates, from a lookout station on some lofty tree, saw 

' They joined the Army of the Potomac in the autumn or winter of 1861, and left and re- 
turned to France soon after we reacherl Harrison's Landing, in July, 1862. " Rats leave a 
•sinking ship," and evidently these gallant young Frenchmen did not want to be there, if 
the Army was going to b« gaptured. Clearly they had lost faith in " Little Mac ! " 

35 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

this gathering of officer^t redoubt No. 3, and soon 
began paying their compliments to us in the shape of 
shot and shell. At first the shells fell short or passed 
over us, exploding harmlessly in the air, or went wide of 
the redoubt. But presently they got our range, and 
pretty soon shell after shell came screaming straight at 
the redoubt, and every officer dodged or fell fiat or 
leaped down into the ditch, except McClellan, who sat 
erect on the parapet, smoking a cigar and laughing 
heartily at our various misadventures. Fortunately the 
shells burst without injuring anybody; but McClellan's 
conduct throughout was fine, and nobody doubted his 
courage afterward. 

Indeed, McClellan was popular with the army, as a 
whole, down to the very last. His manners were simple 
and unafifected. He was always in uniform, but readily 
approachable. His personal life and character were be- 
yond reproach. He read Latin and Greek well, and 
spoke both French and Spanish like a native. He was 
a very connoisseur in art. He knew all West Point could 
teach him, and indeed was an adept in all branches of the 
military profession, except the last and most important 
one of all, and that is, how to fight and conquer. 

As an organizer, and drillmaster, and disciplinarian, 
we did not produce McClellan's equal during the war. 
The Army of the Potomac was far and away the best 
drilled and disciplined and equipped army we had. But 
there he seems to have ended — with no power of getting 
on his legs and marching straight after the enemy and 
whipping him. He never knew when to take the initia- 
tive, and lacked aggressiveness and fighting energy; and 
so he never "got there," when he ought to have won 
every time, or nearly so. He never seemed to know the 
value of time — a vital element in campaigns and battles. 
He always underestimated himself, and overestimated 

36 



George B. McClellan 

his antagonist^ — a capital mistake in military affairs. 
And so he finally acquired the sobriquet of McClellan 
the Unready, or our Little Napoleon. 

I think history will declare, when she comes to sum 
him up finally, that he would have made an excellent 
Chief of Staff or perhaps a good Corps commander. But 
as commander in chief of the army, where he had to 
think and plan and act for himself and compel others to 
act, and where at times he had to take tremendous risks, 
clearly he w^as not a success; and it is amazing how 
tender contemporary history has been of him and his 
deeds, or rather want of deeds — if not misdeeds. 

As a candidate for the Presidency against Abraham 
Lincoln, he was, of course, a war man on a peace plat- 
form; and bound to be defeated, after the signal success 
of Sherman at Atlanta, and the brilHant victories of 
Sheridan in the Valley. As Governor of New Jersey he 
did fairly well. His administration, of course, was free 
from scandals; but it was marked by the same limita- 
tions as his army career, and not even his best friends ac- 
counted him a Napoleon in civil affairs. 

I regret to say these plain things of my first com- 
mander — he was so good a soldier and so nice a gentle- 
man. But I must state the truth of history, as we then 
Hved and made it; and this is how General McClellan 
always impressed me (and many others of his comrades) 
in those historic war days. Our Southern friends still 
account him the "greatest Yankee general." But when 
you ask them how soon he would have conquered their 
rebellion, and ended our war for the Union, they only 
look wise and venture no reply. 

His losses on the Peninsula were certainly appalling; 

1 As at Yorktown and Fair Oaks, where he reported the Confederates as 120,000 to 180,000 
or 200,000 strong, when they never had half that number. Where were his spies and scouts, 
and Secret Service funds ? Comte de Paris, vol. ii. p. 83 ; McClellan's Own Story, p. 437, 
442, 444, etc. ; War Records, vol. vi. part i, p. 28-51, etc.; vol. xi, part 3, p. 71, 86, 102, T15, 
M^. 259 266, 280, 281, 282, 286, 292, 299, 315, 338. A good many references, but very inter- 
Cbting reading ! 

37 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

but it appears difficult tcy^resent them accurately. His 
"Official Report," August 4, 1863, does not agree with 
his "Army Returns" in 1862; and the War Department 
does not seem able to give the facts precisely. At least, 
this is the reply I received to two different letters sent 
there in February, 1898. He reached the Peninsula 
April 2, 1862. His "Return" for April 30, 1862 (before 
Yorktown), shows his strength present for duty, in- 
cluding Franklin's division (still on transports), as 112,- 
392; his special duty, sick, and in arrest, 5,850; being a 
total of 118,242 present, besides 12,136 absent, making 
a total aggregate of 130,378. About June 12 he was 
reinforced by McCall's division of Pennsylvania Re- 
serves, 9,501 strong, increasing his total to 139,879. 

His losses, in action, April 5 to June 24, including 
Yorktown, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, etc., were 1,513 
killed, 5,746 wounded, and 1,217 captured or missing; 
a total of 8,476. His losses, in action, from June 25 to 
August 23 (the date he left the Peninsula), including the 
"Seven Days' Battle," etc., is given by the War Depart- 
ment as 1,750 killed, 8,122 wounded, and 6,100 captured 
or missing; a total of 15,972. This would make his total 
losses, in action, 24,448. 

His "Tri-Monthly Return" for July 10, 1862 (at Har- 
rison's Landing),^ gives his present for July as 99,776, 
and his total aggregate (present and absent) as 157,038. 
Add to this ''99,776 present," his losses in action, as 
above given, and we have a total of 124,224. But his 
total strength on the Peninsula, or men received in all 
while there, as above given, was 139,879; which would 
leave only 15,655 as his losses from sickness and dis- 
ease. This seems small, when one remembers our 
frightful sickness both at Yorktown and Fair Oaks, 
as well as Harrison's Landing. However, even this 

WW II IL—^-" ' .- -^. — — . ... . .uL<.iui.iiiJriU|^j!a>.u ! Hy. i nin »w 

\ fVa*' Records, vol. xi, part 3, p. xvi, 

38 



George B. McClellan 

would make his total losses both from battle and disease. 
40,103. 

On July 13, 1862, Mr. Lincoln telegraphed him from 
Washington: "I am told that over 160,000 men have 
gone into your army. When I was with you the other 
day (at Harrison's Landing) we made out 86,500 remain- 
ing, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. I believe 
23,500 will cover all the killed, wounded, and missing 
in all your battles and skirmishes; leaving 50,000 who 
have left otherwise. Not more than 5,000 of these 
have died, leaving 45,000 of your army still alive and 
not with it."^ 

On July 15 General McClellan answered this from 
Harrison's Landing, questioning whether he had re- 
ceived "160,000" men present in all; but giving his then 
present for duty as 88,665, and his present and absent 
as 144,407. He gave his sick as 16,619, and his ab- 
sentees as ''about 40,000."^ 

These figures, it will be noticed, differ from his "Re- 
turn" of July 10 (above quoted) by about 11,000 men 
present. But Mr. Lincoln's estimate of "23,500" as his 
losses in action does not vary much from mine above 
(24,448); though I think his guess of "5,000" as having 
died from disease is more than twice too small. The 
"absentees" were not all deserters, by a long shot. But 
thousands of them were good officers and men, who had 
gone home on furlough or "sick leave." or otherwise, 
after our bloody and exhausting battles, etc., on the 
Peninsula, because of the want of hospital accommoda- 
tions, medical attendance, etc.; and they never returned 
because of death or prolonged disability, incapacitating 
them for further service. 

From all which, after much searching of the records 

M, Illlll I : ■ ■ HJJ.JLU I ■■ I I 

> War Records, vol. xi, part 3, p. 319, 
^Jbidy p. 331. 

39 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and my own actual experi^pce there, and much talk with 

others there, I think it fair to conclude as follows: 

McClellan's total strength on the 
Peninsula, or men actually re- 
ceived, at least * 160,000 

His losses in action 25,000 

His losses from disease. ... 25,000 

50,000 

Remaining 1 10,000 

Present July 15, as per his above 

report to Mr. Lincoln 88,665 

Absentees 21,335 

It is true that Mr. Lincoln puts these ''absentees" at 
"45,000," and McClellan at ''about 40,000." But it is 
believed that, with the foregoing explanations, the 
above figures of 21,335 ^^^ more nearly accurate. 

This makes his total losses, then, from both battle and 
disease, as 50,000, instead of "40,103," as above figured 
out ; and this it is beUeved cannot be far wrong. In other 
words, General McClellan lost one third of his army on 
the Peninsula, and gained nothing whatever; the Army of 
the Potomac returning again to Alexandria in August, 
whence it moved late in March. 

Even as, ingloriously, 

"The King of France, with fifty thousand men, 
Marched up the hill, and then marched down again." 

Well might Robert E. Lee air his sometime Latin, and 
serenely sing, "Partitrinnt monies nascitur ridicidns miisr 

* His "Return^" July lo, gives his aggregate, present and absent, as 157,038, even then 
Mr. Lincoln's estimate of *' 160,000" of course was furnished him by the Adjutant-General, 
U. S. A., and made up from actual " Returns " in the War Department. 

40 




Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, J 862. 



Ambrose E. Burnside 



CHAPTER IV 

Ambrose E. Burnside 

My next commander was General Burnside. 

Antietam was fought September i6 and 17, 1862; and 
Lee, dazed but not defeated, fell back into Virginia 
again. Here he was allowed to rest and recuperate, 
ad libitum, until November i, or thereabouts, before 
McClellan got ready to pursue him — a delay inexcusa- 
ble from every point of view. It is true, that ''Little 
Mac" alleged his army was terribly bad off: short 
of horses, short of wagons, short of rations, clothing, 
shoes, and about everything. But if he whipped Lee at 
Antietam, the Confederates, beaten and retreating, 
must certainly have been far worse off; as was indeed 
the fact, of course. 

Lee recrossed the Potomac on the night of September 
18, without McClellan knowing much about it, if indeed 
suspecting it. Nevertheless, September 19, he tele- 
graphed the general in chief (Halleck) at Washington 
as follows '} 

'1 have the honor to report that Maryland is entirely 
freed from the presence of the enemy, who has been 
driven across the Potomac. * * * 

''G. B. McClellan, Major General Commanding." 

''Driven" by whom, and whenf Certainly not by Mc- 
Clellan; for in his ''Ozvn Story," page 620, he says: "On 
the night of the eighteenth the enemy, after passing 
troops in the latter part of the day from the Virginia shore 
to their position behind Sharpsburg [Maryland], as seen 

» McCIellan's Own Story, p. 621. 
41 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

by our officers [evidently to mislead McClellan], sud- 
denly formed the desigil^f abandoning their posi- 
tion and retreating across the river. [And this] was 
effected before daylight [apparently without his knowl- 
edge]. 

So I.ee was back safe into Virginia again, and of 
course both Lincoln and Stanton (and the country) ex- 
pected to see McClellan cross the Potomac instanter and 
march sharply after him. They both wrote and tele- 
graphed him accordingly, but without result. The 
weather was superb — the exquisite autumnal weather of 
Virginia — and they daily became more urgent. Finallv, 
October i — two w^eks of invaluable time having been 
lost — Mr. Lincoln himself paid him a visit, and patiently 
queried why he did not hasten after Lee. History will 
be surprised to learn that nothing came of this, even. 
And so, at last, as a dernier ressort, on October 6, Halleck 
telegraphed him as follows : 

'The President directs, that you cross the Potomac 
and give battle to the enemy, or drive him South. * * ^ 
He is very desirous that your army move as soon as pos- 
sible. * * * I am directed to add, that the Secretary of 
War and the general in chief fully concur with the Pres- 
ident in these instructions."^ 

Did he go now? O, no! He still complained of his 
equipage, supplies, horses, etc.; and tzvo weeks afterward 
— two weeks of golden opportunity — on October 21 
was again ordered as follows: 

''Your telegram has been submitted to the President. 
He directs me to say, that he has no change to make in 
his order of the 6th instant. * * * The President does 
not expect impossibilities, but he is very anxious that 

I MgClellan's Own Story, p, 62§, 
42 



Ambrose E. Burnside 

all this good weather should not be wasted in inactivity. 
Telegraph zvhen you will move."^ 

Did he move now? No, not yet! But on October 
25 was again prodded as follows (in reply to a telegram 
that some of his horses were worn down, "fatigued," 

etc.): 

'To Major General McClellan:! have just re- 
ceived your dispatch about sore-tongued and fatigued 
horses. Will you pardon me for asking what the horses 
of your army have done since the battle of Antietam, 
that fatigues anything? A. Lincoln."^ 

Did he move now? No, he did not budge yet! It 
seems incredible, but he actually did not cross the Po- 
tomac himself until November i,^ although he did, in- 
deed, start some of his divisions across October 26 — the 
day after Mr. Lincoln's characteristic and laconic dis- 
patch. But the Sixth Corps — the last one over — did 
not cross until November 2f and it was not until No- 
vember 7 that ''Little Mac" finally reached Rectortown, 
near Warrenton, Va.^ Here he received orders from 
President Lincoln — his titanic patience at last ex- 
hausted, and no wonder — to turn the Army of the Po- 
tomac over to General Burnside, who was already pres- 
ent in command of the Ninth Army Corps, and his 
second in command as next ranking officer. 

This change of our commanders, it must be admitted, 
was not altogether satisfactory; and there was some talk 
of making General McClellan mihtary dictator, and of 
"marching upon Washington and taking possession of 
the government," and of pitching Lincoln and his Cabi- 
net and Congress into the Potomac, etc.^ But this was 
confined to a few favorites and "feather-heads" of "Lit- 

1 McClellan's Own Story, p. 640. 2 /^/^.^ p, 6^3. ^ Ibid.^ p. 658. * Ibid., p. 646. 
5 Mark these dates— Sept. i8th, Lee defeated and " driven " across the Potomac; but 
McClellan did not cross until Nov. i — six weeks wasted ! 
« McClellan's Own Story, p. 652. 

43 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

tie Mac's" (the army, as a ^ole, was thoroughly loyal), 
and duly evaporated with the early departure of General 
McClellan for the historic lines of Trenton, N. J. 

It, must be confessed, General Burnside was not wel- 
come to us; but we accepted him and awaited his orders, 
as the best Mr. Lincoln could do under the circum- 
stances. He had served creditably at first Bull Run, 
and won distinction at Roanoke Island, without much 
real fighting or actual generalship; and had just fought 
bravely at Antietam, if not very skillfully. And here he 
was now in command of the Army of the Potomac — one 
hundred and twenty-five thousand strong — a job requir- 
ing first-class brains. Now, what was to be done, and 
how was he to do it? 

Burnside sat still a few days, studying the situation 
and gathering up the reins, and then suddenly decided 
to change the plan of campaign and make a dash at 
Fredericksburg, and beat Lee into Richmond that way. 
It was not a bad move, and held the potency and promise 
of success if rapidly executed. But Lee beat him in the 
foot race to Fredericksburg, and soon had his ragged 
Confederates in a stronger position than ever at Marye's 
Heights and elsewhere there, with the broad and un- 
fordable Rappahannock flowing between us. 

Of course, Burnside blamed somebody else for not 
getting our pontoons there in time to cross the river be- 
fore Lee arrived, But he was the responsible com- 
mander, with ample powers and officers, and should him- 
self have known how to make things "come to pass." 

My own division did not get to Antietam; it was too 
much used up by the Peninsula and Pope campaigns, 
and was left at Alexandria to recruit and help man the 
defenses of Washington. Nor did we get up to War- 
ren ton. But we marched first from Alexandria (I re- 
ceived my second promotion here, to division headquar- 

44 



Ambrose E. Burnside 

ters, October 15, 1862) to Manassas Junction, where we 
guarded the rear of the army while it switched over to 
Fredericksburg, and then joined it at Falmouth, by way 
of Fairfax Court House and Wolf Run Shoals, early in 
December. 

1 think this was the worst march I made during the 
war. Much of it was in the midst of a wild December 
storm of wind and rain and sleet, through fathomless 
Virginia mud, and the sufferings of the troops were 
indescribable. After the first day or so, many of our 
poor fellows became barefoot, and for a week or more 
after we arrived on the heights of Stafford I saw hun- 
dreds of our men standing guard or walking their weary 
rounds as sentries in the snow, with their feet bound up 
in grain bags or coffee sacks. Valley Forge (the Amer- 
icans were in winter quarters and had good log huts 
there) could not have been much worse than Falmouth, 
in those early December days before our supplies got up. 
But the Quartermaster Department bestirred itself, and 
soon the army was again thoroughly equipped, and in 
superb fighting trim. 

Of course, we had to have our inevitable "Review," 
and Burnside — portly and handsome, smiling and cour- 
teous, with his side-whiskers, mustache, and beautiful 
white teeth, but without dash or grip in his face — sat 
erect on his dark-brown bobtail horse, while a hundred 
thousand of us marched past, scanning him closely. I 
do not think there was an officer or a man of us that felt 
safe in his hands. But we were there to "obey orders," 
and to do and die, if need be, for the Union. 

Now came the so-called battle of Fredericksburg. It 
was rather a foreordained slaughterhouse, and our brave 
boys the predestined victims. Lee had been given all 
the time he wanted, to fortify every hill and flood every 
ravine ; and so all he had to do was to sit still and see us 

45 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

march into his traps, or knock our heads against his 
works. ^ 

We belonged to the Left Grand Division (Franklin's), 
and crossed the Rappahannock December 12, about 
three miles below Fredericksburg, while the Center and 
Right Grand Divisions crossed at Fredericksburg. Our 
crossing was not seriously opposed, because Lee wanted 
us to come over to his side, to save him the trouble of 
crossing over to ours. We had fifty thousand men there 
on the left, as good soldiers as ever fought. But Frank- 
lin lacked either inclination or ability to handle them, 
or had not precise orders as to when and how he should 
attack (as he always claimed — something was always at 
fault when Franklin had to act), and so httle came of our 
movement there. Our only possible hope of success 
was to attack at once, before Lee's supports there got 
up. But we lay quiet all that day and night, while the 
Confederates (Hill and Ewell) marched day and night 
to reinforce that part of their line. When on the 13th 
we tardily advanced we found fifty cannon in position, 
and Stonewall Jackson and Longstreet confronting us. 

Meade, with his gallant Pennsylvanians (he had only 
about five thousand men), accomplished something — 
he always was a good soldier— but he was left to be en- 
filaded by Confederate artillery and crushed by Con- 
federate infantry — while the rest of us stood idly by for 
want of fighting orders. Franklin was far in the rear, 
as usual, with no real grasp of the battlefield, and Burn- 
side miles away at Falmouth, and losing his head there. 
Of course, we fell back after heavy losses, and the Con- 
federates did not pursue; they wanted us to try it again. 
Here poor Generrl Bayard perished, struck by a pass- 
ing Confederate shell while sitting under a tree in the 
midst of his staflf, awaiting orders. He was a gallant 
Jersevman; my own old school friend; already distin- 

46 



Ambrose E. Burnside 

guished as a cavalry leader, and worthy to rank with 
Sheridan, had he hved. He was to have been married 
shortly, and his last moments were spent in speaking of 
his fiancee and of his beloved parents. 

Meanwhile, the rest of the army had attacked in front 
of Fredericksburg. A mist hung over the river and the 
valley all the morning; but toward noon this lifted, re- 
vealing the Confederate heights bristHng with bayonets 
and cannon, and swarming with soldiers. The key of the 
position was Marye's Hill, just back of Fredericksburg, 
and we were ordered to assault that impregnable height 
at all hazards and whatever cost. 

During the morning I had been sent with a report or 
dispatch to Burnside's headquarters, and while gallop- 
ing through a wood road my horse slipped on a root 
extending across the road, and fell heavily upon me. He 
was a large, jet black, handsome fellow, captured at Fair 
Oaks in June, in the rush of the battle there, and we both 
came down so hard I thought my right leg broken and 
done for, for sure. Neither of us could rise. But, for- 
tunately, a squad of stragglers happened to be near, 
cooking a pot of coffee, and, rushing to our assistance, 
they soon got us on our feet again. I was badly shaken 
up and in great pain; but presently managed to climb 
into the saddle again, and ride on to headquarters. 
Here all was confusion and indecision, and I was de- 
tained considerably. But as I rode back over the brow 
of a hill overlooking the Rappahannock, en route to my 
division, as the fog lifted and the sun came out bright 
and clear, across the river I beheld our lines in motion — 
French and Hancock — and soon on the double-quick 
with a rush and a cheer they attacked the whole Con- 
federate front there. 

It was indeed a gallant sight; never one more so. 
Without a glass I could count the banners and distin- 
4 47 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

guish the brigades from where I sat on my horse. How 
the muskets gleamed, and^he bayonets flashed, and the 
flags streamed in the glorious sunlight! But scarcely 
had they started forward before the whole Confederate 
heights were a circle of fire. A hundred cannon were 
in skillful position there, and shot and shell opened great 
gaps through our regiments. But still our lines swept 
onward till the Confederate infantry opened, and then 
suddenly a cloud of smoke like the breath of hell rolled 
over the battlefield, and our brave boys disappeared from 
sight. It was a constant earthquake. It was a live 
volcano. The roar of battle was deafening and con- 
tinuous even from where I sat; but it did not last. In 
twenty minutes or so it was all over. The cloud slowly 
lifted, and our men were back in their lines again — what 
were left of them. The field was strewn with the dead 
and the dying. Riderless horses galloped wildly at will. 
The wounded were being borne to the rear. Thousands 
of men had become cripples for Hfe; and thousands of 
firesides were desolate forever. Ah, me! but it was a 
pitiful spectacle; and I turned and rode on to my divi- 
sion, sick at heart over such useless slaughter of brave 
men. 

But Burnside was not yet satisfied. He thought 
French and Hancock did not know how to do it ; though 
they had sacrificed one third of their men. Down at the 
Phillips House, on the opposite or Stafford side of the 
river, a mile or more away from the battlefield, he strode 
up and down the terrace, and, shaking his fist at Marye's 
Hill, still thundering with artillery, insanely declared: 
"That height must be carried before nightfall!" So he 
sent for Fighting Joe Hooker, and ordered him to 
take it. 

A smaller man than General Hooker would have blind- 
ly obeyed the order; but he first sent an aid to inquire 

48 



Ambrose E. Burnside 

about it, and then he himself (ever thoughtful of his 
men) recrossed the river under a heavy artillery fire, and 
endeavored to dissuade Burnside from such a useless 
butchery. His only answer was ''to obey orders," and 
so, of course, Hooker went in, with all his accustomed 
ardor and intrepidity. But he might as well have 
stormed the fiery mouth of hell. Night came on in the 
midst of the furious fighting. 

" Cannon to right of them, 
Cannon to left of them, 
Cannon in front of them. 
Volleyed and thundered ; " 

but Hooker did not give it up until thousands more of 
our brave boys were hors de combat. 

First and last, w^e left over six thousand men at the 
foot of Marye's Hill and up its bloody slope; and, al- 
together, lost at Fredericksburg over twelve thousand 
men;^ while the Confederate loss was about half as much 
more. Burnside, however, was not yet content, and 
meditated another attack next day at the head of his 
own old corps (he was no coward), but was finally per- 
suaded to give this up. 

We lay still the next day, and the next, with only oc- 
casional artillery firing and skirmishing; and finally on 
the night of the fifteenth Burnside made up his mind to 
withdraw, and before morning we had recrossed the 
Rappahannock and were back in our old camps again, 
or well on the way to them. Why Lee did not attack 
and destroy us and our pontoon bridges, in the midst 
of our night retreat, I do not know. Suppose he had 
trained his artillery on our bridges or bridge-heads? H 
he did not know of our retreat, he must have been kept 
poorly informed by his pickets. If unable to profit by 

' Our exact losses were 12,353 men, of whom 1,180 were killed, 9,028 wounded, and 2,145 
Vaken prisoners. — Comte de Paris, vol. ii, p. 596. 

49 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

it, he must have been usecLup worse than we knew, or 
else have ''lost his head" also in the magnitude of his 
victory. 

Now what was to be done? Evidently, General Burn- 
side did not know. But after pondering various proj- 
ects, he finally decided to cross the Rappahannock 
again, above Fredericksburg, and try conclusions again 
with the Confederates. This was his famous ''Mud 
March" in January, 1863. The campaign began all 
right — it was splendid weather; but a general thaw and 
rain set in soon afterward — the bottoms dropped out of 
the Virginia roads — and our pontoons and artillery 
seemed bound for China. After floundering around for 
three or four days in fathomless mud, with scores or 
hundreds of men attempting to haul a single piece of 
artillery, besides the horses, the advance was counter- 
manded, and back we went to our old camps again. Of 
course, his generals (and the army) by this time were 
criticising him considerably, and his only plan to meet 
this was to request the President to dismiss General 
Hooker and others from the service, and relieve General 
Franklin and others from their commands. A brilliant 
idea, surely — magnificent strategy, splendid tactics — 
worthy of such a commander in chief! And Mr. Lincoln 
responded by relieving Burnside himself, and placing 
the gallant Hooker in command! 

I do not want to be unfair or unkind to poor General 
Burnside. He was certainly loyal and patriotic, and 
meant to do his best. But I think history will declare 
he was utterly incompetent for such a great command, 
and ought never to have accepted it. It is true, he dis- 
trusted himself, and was averse to accepting it. But 
then no man ought ever to accept such a job, if he thinks 
he cannot accomplish it. A due self-confidence is es- 
sential to success in any line of business, but in none 

50 



Ambrose E. Burnside 

more so than in military affairs. A favorite maxim of 
Frederick the Great was: ''The tools to him who can use 
them." But he never will use them, if he thinks he can- 
not. Grant selected Sherman as his right arm and 
Sheridan as his left, because they believed they could 
zcJiip the enemy. It is to General Burnside's credit, that 
he did not disappear when relieved, like General McClel- 
lan, but later on went out to Tennessee and tried it 
again with a smaller command. But here also he got 
into trouble, and would have been compelled to capitu- 
late to Longstreet at Knoxville, had not Sherman 
marched promptly to his relief the very day Grant and 
he finished up Bragg at Chattanooga. Sherman, in- 
deed, knew well the value of time. He did not even ride 
into Chattanooga (to see and enjoy the victory a little, 
as most generals would have done), but instantly put his 
column in motion, with orders to make forced marches 
to East Tennessee (without overcoats or blankets even, 
though late in November, and bitter cold), and thus 
saved the day at Knoxville. 

General Burnside no doubt would have done well as a 
brigade or division commander, where he would have had 
somebody else to do his thinking and furnish him orders. 
But to swing an army of one hundred and twenty-five 
thousand men ; to think and plan and execute great things 
on a great scale, sometimes instanter — in short, to take the 
initiative and win against such a Confederate gamecock as 
Robert E. Lee — evidently this was a job beyond his 
caliber; and good and clean as he was in many respects, 
yet history will find it hard to forgive him for the 
Slaughter House at Fredericksburg. 

51 



^en and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER V 
Joseph Hooker 

My next commander, and personally most beloved of 
all, was General Hooker; or "Fighting Joe Hooker," as 
v^^e used to call him. I first saw him in December, 1861, 
when my brigade reported to him in lower Maryland. 
He was already in command of a New England brigade 
and a New York brigade there, and our brigade (Second 
New Jersey — his Third Brigade) completed his division, 
that became so well known afterward as Second Divi- 
sion, Third Corps, or "Hooker's Division," Army of the 
Potomac. 

General Hooker was then in the prime of manhood, 
with steel-blue eyes, sandy hair, and clear-cut features — 
well set-up, but not corpulent — about six feet high; sol- 
dierly in his bearing and movements, and the beau ideal 
of a division commander. His talk was brilliant and in- 
cisive, and instinctively he impressed all who came in 
contact with him as an ofificer who knew zi'hat to do and 
how to do it, and confident of accomplishing it. I well 
remember his first inspection of our brigade, and how 
thoroughly he overhauled us. It was on a bright Sunday 
morning in December, 1861, at Rum Point, Md., op- 
posite the Confederate batteries at Cockpit Point, Va. 
And as he went through us, regiment by regiment, 
there did not seem to be a defect in a uniform or gun or 
knapsack or mule team, that his eagle eye did not de- 
tect, nor a well set-up ofificer or soldier that he did not 
compliment and praise. 

He was a West Pointer: he had distinguished himself 
in Mexico; and it was fair to expect great things of him 

52 




Gen. Joseph Hooker, 1863. 



Joseph Hooker 

in the future. The winter of 1861-62 he devoted to drill 
and discipline — everybody had to "toe the mark" — and 
to winning the confidence and affection of his officers 
and men ; and it is safe to say, that when we landed on the 
Peninsula in the spring of 1862, there was no finer di- 
vision in the Army of the Potomac. It approved itself 
at Williamsburg in May, where it received its ''baptism 
of fire."^ It distinguished itself at Fair Oaks in June, 
where it helped greatly to save the day. It marched 
and fought like a Macedonian phalanx or a Roman le- 
gion, with bent brow and firm front, in the memorable 
"Seven Days' Battle" from front of Richmond to James 
River, in June and July, 1862. Indeed, in all the Penin- 
sula campaign, there was no hard marching or heavy 
fighting that Hooker did not participate in, and every- 
body felt that, whatever else happened, his division at 
least was sure to be bravely and skillfully commanded. 
Hooker himself was always present on the field, alert 
and vigilant, conspicuously mounted on a white horse — 
with flaming eyes, florid face, and high shirt collar, that 
soon wilted down when we got engaged — but as cool 
and collected under fire as if directing a parade or a 
picnic. 

In every engagement he always seemed to know ex- 
actly what to do and zvhen to do it; and it goes without 
saying, his men always went into action with alacrity 
and intrepidity, because they knew he would not put 
them in improperly, or fight them blunderingly, or im- 
peril them unnecessarily. He was never ordered to at- 
tack, that he did not obey promptly and intelligently. 
He was never called on for support, that he did not re- 
spond cheerfully and gallantly. Ever ready, ever will- 
ing and eager, always equal to the occasion, he never 
missed a battle or skirmish in the Peninsula campaign 

» See p. 26. 

53 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

when it was his duty to ^present, and hence early ac- 
quired the sobriquet of 'Fighting Joe Hooker," and 
well deserved it. He did not fancy this himself, as he 
said it implied mere brute courage, whereas he claimed 
capacity for command. But the name, nevertheless, 
came and ''stuck" all through the war, because it aptly 
described his surface characteristics; that is, his readi- 
ness to fight and ability as a lighter. 

When we were ordered back from the Peninsula, 
Hooker's division was one of the first to reach Alexan- 
dria, and, heeding the call and distress of poor Pope, 
with gallant Phil Kearny's division hastened loyally to 
the front, while Porter's and Franklin's divisions lagged 
lamentably behind. Had they moved as promptly as 
Hooker's and Kearny's, our second Bull Run might 
have resulted quite differently. Hooker, indeed, did 
not even wait for his private baggage, nor for the horses 
of his field and staff officers, but, recognizing the great 
need of General Pope, marched at once to Warrenton 
and fought gallantly by his side at both Bristoe and 
Manassas. Poor Kearny (peace to his ashes and tears 
to his memory!) did the same, and then fell at Chantilly 
the next day but one afterward, in the midst of a twi- 
light reconnoissance (September i). But, all the same, 
he bafffed Lee's plans and headed off Stonewall Jackson 
on the march for Fairfax Court House, and thus saved 
our line of retreat to Alexandria and Washington. 

Hooker was deeply touched when he heard Kearny had 
fallen (they were close friends and dear to each other), 
and we were all whelmed in a common grief. He was 
our Chevalier de Bayard, the idol of his division and 
pride of the army; our Phil. Sheridan of 1862, with a 
great career before him. T was only a short distance 
away when he fell; and I think Chantilly (fought in an 
evening thunderstorm) was the saddest hour I saw in 

54 



Joseph Hooker 

the service, before the supreme tragedy of Lincoln's 
assassination. General Lee showed the gentleman and 
chivalrous foe he was by sending Kearny's body into our 
lines under a flag of truce (September 2), '^thinking the 
possession of his remains may be a consolation to his 
family.''^ And in this he only voiced the common 
sentiment of both armies toward the heroic Kearny. 
Subsequently he also sent his sword, horse, and saddle 
by request of Mrs. Kearny.^ 

Hooker's division did not make the Antietam cam- 
paign — it was too much used up — but was left behind 
at Alexandria to recruit its thinned ranks and worn 
energies. Mr. Lincoln, however, would not dispense 
with Hooker himself, and so he promoted him to the 
command of the First Corps, vice McDowell, relegated 
to Washington. Here General Hooker also acquitted 
himself well, but was severely wounded and borne off 
the field in the very hour of victory.^ He was unable to 
report for duty again, until we reached Falmouth (De- 
cember, 1862), but here he was assigned to the com- 
mand of the Centre Grand Division — one third of the 
whole army — and still further demonstrated his ability 
by handling it ably and skillfully at the bloody battle of 
Fredericksburg. 

Hence when, after Fredericksburg and the "Mud 
March," Burnside was inevitably relieved, Mr. Lin- 
coln naturally appointed General Hooker to succeed 
him. What else, indeed, was there to do? Kearny 
was dead, or doubtless he would have been called 
to the command: Hancock and Meade had not yet 
"won their spurs;" Sumner (of the Right Grand Di- 
vision) was too old and obstinate, and had never yet 

^ JVa^ Records, vol. xii, part iii, p. 807. 

2 Ihid.y vol. xix, part ii, p. 381. See also Appendix, p. 369. 

'There is a story that the corps commanders at Antietam, disgusted with McClellan, 
were about putting Hooker in command over his head, hut the messenger found Hooker 
too badly wQiinded to sit his horse, and so the whole scheme came to naught. 

55 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

shown much head on hi^houlders; Frankhn (of the 
Left Grand Division) had again shown only irresolution 
and indecision, if not disinclination; and therefore the 
only thing to do was to place General Hooker in com- 
mand. He had some enemies, it is true, chiefly because 
of his sharp criticisms of McClellan and Burnside. But 
he had also ardent and enthusiastic friends, who believed 
in him thoroughly, as both officer and man. And 
above all, he believed thoroughly in himself, and this in 
military afTairs (and all human affairs) is often more 
than "half the battle." 

General Hooker at once assumed command (about 
February i, 1863), ^^^ none too soon. The Army of 
the Potomac was, indeed, then in a bad way. It had not 
been paid for six months. It had lost heavily in killed 
and wounded at Fredericksburg, w^ith no adequate re- 
sults. Above all, it had lost its morale, and was fast los- 
ing its organization. General Hooker officially reported 
he found nearly three thousand oMcers and over eighty 
thousand soldiers on the rolls "absent, with or without 
leave." The Proclamation of Emancipation (just pre- 
viously issued), while all right per se, had, nevertheless, 
caused bitter dissensions, particularly among the line 
ofificers, and these he quickly stopped by prompt court- 
martial and dismissal. I knew of many who publicly de- 
clared, that "they did not enlist to fight for the niggers, 
and they were going to resign and go home." But 
a few^ courts-martial soon ended all that. The desertions 
he cured by "shooting to death with musketry" in a few 
of the more flagrant cases, and then getting Mr. Lincoln 
to issue a proclamation of pardon to all who returned 
voluntarily to the ranks by a given date. 

He devised a system of furloughs, whereby all of us in 
turn might spend a few days at home. He abolished the 
clumsy organization bv Grand Divisions — an invention 

S6 



Joseph Hooker 

of Burnside, and worthy of him — and returned to the 
simple and more effective organization by army corps, as 
instituted by McClellan and practiced by Grant and 
Sherman. He invented the corps "badges," or, rather, 
adopted the invention of poor Kearny, who first insti- 
tuted them on the Peninsula, in order to identify his 
own troops as the "Red Patch Division," and Hooker 
now wisely diversified and extended these to the whole 
army. My own Division soon became known as the 
''White Diamonds." 

He increased and improved the rations. He set up 
brigade bakeries — to give us fresh bread, in lieu of "hard- 
tack." He reequipped and reclothed all who needed it; 
he weeded out incompetent and unworthy officers; he 
looked sharply after everything that could make for 
drill and discipline and organization; he rode constantly 
through our camps and hospitals and among our bat- 
teries and wagon trains, and saw everything that was 
going on (and not going on), and thus it was not long 
before everybody felt that the eye and hand of a master- 
ful commander was upon him. And so, when in May, 
with the Virginia dogwoods all in bloom, we set out for 
Chancellorsville, it was a common remark by shrewd 
observers, that the Army of the Potomac was never in 
better heart and trim. 

At Chancellorsville, General Hooker's strategy was 
good, but his tactics failed. His plan, indeed, was ex- 
cellent, and his generalship of a high order, until the 
surprise and rout of the Eleventh Corps (indififerently 
commanded by Howard, and badly handled by Sigel, 
Schurz, and others) and his own grievous disability 
ruined everything. In the very crisis of the battle there 
— in the very pinch of the campaign — while standing on 
the porch of the Chancellor House, overlooking the 
hotly contested field, a Confederate cannon ball struck 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

a pillar of the porch agaijpt which, he was leaning, and 
the pillar in falling knocked him senseless. I saw and 
talked with hnn myself shortly before this, and he was 
alert and confident as usual. But now he was uncon- 
scious or helpless for hours — dazed, half paralyzed, not 
a tithe of himself — ^just when his brain and hand were 
most required, and his next in command (Couch) knew 
not how to gather up the reins suddenly and direct the 
battle. Hence things drifted, and hence we fought 
Chancellorsville by piecemeal, and did not put in half 
our troops, and hence were worsted there (notwith- 
standing John Sedgwick's brilliant work down at Fred- 
ericksburg), when we ought to have won a great and 
telling victory. Its only comfort to me personally was, 
that it brought me another promotion (Lt. Col. and 
Chief Q. M. 3d Corps, May 27, 1863). 

But bad as Chancellorsville was, and in some respects 
it was really melancholy, it nevertheless was not a blun- 
der and a disaster like Fredericksburg. If bafifled and 
defeated, at least we were not discouraged and demor- 
alized, and soon were ready to try conclusions again 
with our Confederate friends. Grievous as were our 
losses, they did not begin to compare with Lee's; for he 
there lost his great lieutenant, Stonewall Jackson, his 
right arm hitherto, and was never able to replace him 
afterward. Hooker still held the respect and esteem of 
the army, if not its full confidence, and the masterly wa}^ 
in which he followed up and checkmated Lee in June, 
1863, from the Rappahannock to the Potomac, in the 
beginning of the great Gettysburg campaign, won our 
hearty admiration. Indeed, Hooker always claimed 
that Meade only followed out his plans substantially, in 
fighting as he did at Gettysburg. It must be remem- 
bered that Meade was only three days in command be- 
fore our great battle of Gettysburg, with much to learn 

58 



Joseph Hooker 

in many ways; and had Hooker been there and suc- 
ceeded so well, it is hardly credible that, with his energy 
and self-reliance, Lee would have got back into Virginia 
again so easily, after being whipped so thoroughly up 
there in Pennsylvania. 

I saw a good deal of General Hooker after he was re- 
lieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, 
and he always chafed bitterly over it and scolded much, 
but he did not sulk. He was still ready for duty, there 
or elsewhere, and when, after Chickamauga (September 
19, 1863), he was ordered West with the Eleventh and 
Twelfth Corps (soon after consolidated into the Twen- 
tieth), he showed his accustomed intelligence and energy 
by moving his entire command — over twenty thousand 
strong, with their artillery, ammunition, baggage, etc. — 
by rail from Washington, D. C, to Bridgeport, Ala. — 
nearly a thousand miles in six days — a feat unparalleled 
during the war. 

He asked for me to accompany him (I was then serv- 
ing as Inspector at Army headquarters), but Stanton 
was still angry with him, and characteristically replied: 
*T will give General Hooker no more ofificers until he 
gets West and does something!" Hooker then went in 
person to the White House, but Mr. Lincoln gave him 
a like reply. And so he went West. Here he was 
prompt to report to Thomas and Grant, and did much 
to relieve Chattanooga, and fought his famous "Battle 
Above the Clouds" — the very poetry of the war — at 
Lookout Mountain. His actual fighting at Lookout 
did not amount to very much ; but it was scenic and dra- 
matic — "Above the Clouds" — and gave him a world- 
wide and historic fame. 

In the spring and summer of 1864, he participated ac- 
tively in the great campaign and battles of General 
Sherman from Chattanooga to Atlanta, and there was 

59 



Men and ihings I Saw in Civil War Days 

hardly an important engagement from the Tennessee to 
the Chattahoochee, that Itc did not have a hearty and 
heavy hand in. His last battle was at Peach Tree Creek, 
in front of Atlanta, where the gallant McPherson fell — 
young in years, but full of honors. Sherman now made 
the mistake (as I have always thought) of putting How- 
ard in McPherson's place, over the head of Hooker — his 
superior in rank as well as large military qualities; and 
Hooker unfortunately committed the still greater mis- 
take — the error of his lifetime — by instantly resigning 
and retiring to Cincinnati. Howard then commanded 
the Fourth Corps, and was commanding it well. But he 
had failed Plooker at Chancellorsville, and I suppose 
Plooker, conscious of rectitude and of his own greater 
qualities, could not endure to see Howard (his junior in 
rank also) thus promoted over him. Of course, it was 
human to refuse to submit to such treatment. But it 
was not war, nor good miUtary poHtics, and I think 
Hooker keenly regretted it always afterward. 

Unquestionably, Sherman was a Httle jealous of 
Hooker, or, at least, was not fair to him in this assign- 
ment of commands after his loyal and brilliant services 
both East and West. But, all the same. Hooker would 
have stood better in history had he ''accepted the situa- 
tion," and fought the war through to its finish. Suppose 
he had stuck to it, and gone on to Savannah, and up 
through the Carolinas, and been in at the final surrender 
of Joe Johnston, and appeared in the Grand Review at 
Washington? He would indeed have been welcomed 
as "Fighting Joe Hooker;" and w^hat an ovation he 
would have been given by the Army and the nation! 

Altogether, I confess, T have always thought well of 
General Hooker, and have tried to say it here. His in- 
tellect was of a high order — broad, keen, alert, vigorous 
— and what he did not know of the art of war and prac- 

60 



Joseph Hooker 

tical soldiering is hardly worth knowing. He was open 
and accessible to everybody; but he also knew how to as- 
sume authority and exercise command. One could not 
be long in his presence without feeling the mastery of 
his mind and will, while the charm of his manner was 
something indescribable. As a division commander, he 
certainly did not have his superior in the Army, of the 
Potomac. As a corps commander, his conduct at An- 
tietam speaks for itself. As an army commander, he 
was unfortunate at Chancellorsville; but otherwise and 
elsewhere he showed high military qualities, and I sin- 
cerely think deserves higher rank in history than he has 
hitherto received. 

In his later years, after the war ended, he was para- 
lyzed both mentally and physically, and so was unable 
to "write himself up," in the Century and otherwise, as 
others did. Had he lived and been himself, unquestion- 
ably we would have heard the other side of the story; for 
he held ''the pen of a ready writer." But, all the same, 
he was a great and illustrious American soldier, and I 
dare to lay this tribute upon his grave. He was my 
comrade and good friend always, from 1861 to his de- 
cease, and I honored and loved him much. And every 
ofBcer and soldier of "Hooker's Old Division," at least, 
will hurrah foi him forever! 

As illustrative of his chivalric nature and fine soldierly 
character, I beg to add the following. In the winter of 
1861-62, on the lower Potomac, our camps soon became 
places of refuge for Maryland slaves, and their aristo- 
cratic owners (largely disloyal) procured a general order 
from McClellan to retake them wherever found, and 
commanding officers were instructed accordingly. A 
party of slave owners rode up to Hooker's headquarters 
one day, and reported several of their slaves in the camp 
of a Massachusetts regiment in his division, and, citing 

61 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

General McClellan's orde^idemanded the surrender of 
their "property." 

'*Yes,"' said Hooker, "I have seen the order, and 
yonder is the Massachusetts camp. And if your slaves 
are there and choose to go with you, and the Massachu- 
setts boys are content, I have no objections. But if 
they refuse, aiid a row occurs over there, I fear you will 
get into the guardhouse — the same as any other 
marauders." 

"But, General Hooker, are you not going to appre- 
hend our slaves for us?" 

"Why, bless my soul, no! I am Brigadier General 
U. S. Vols., and no 'nigger-catcher!' I was born and 
bred in New England!" 

It is needless to say, that the poor fugitives were safe, 
and McClellan's famous (or rather infamous) "Maryland 
slave order" soon became a dead-letter in all Hooker's 
camps. 

So, in December, 1861, he sent for me one day, and 
when I reported in person said he thought of putting 
me under arrest, for "disobedience of orders." But 
when I explained it was only quasi disobedience, and 
that I was right and the order wrong, he complimented 
me on my non-compliance with it, and wound up by in- 
viting me to "take a little commissary" and to dine with 
him! This was my first interview with General Hooker, 
and it goes without saying we remained friends ever 
afterward. 

So, after the bloody battle of Williamsburg in May, 
1862, where Hooker lost fifteen hundred men in killed 
and wounded, and Hancock only thirty-one, and yet 
McClellan gave the credit chiefly to Hancock,* Hooker 
rode over to our headquarters one night, and sitting 
around our Jersey camp fire, with Lieutenant Colo- 

» See p. 26. 

62 



Joseph Hooker 

nel Mott, of the Fifth New Jersey (afterward Gen- 
eral Mott), and myself, and others, after discussing Mc- 
Clellan's extraordinary dispatch considerably — some of 
us quite excitedly — he summed it all up humorously 
thus: '*I say, Mott, it seems to me you and I, and your 
Jersey Blues and the Excelsior Brigade, were not at 
Williamsburg at all! Hancock did the business!" And 
he laughed gayly and rode homeward. 

So, in September, 1862, after his cruel wound at An- 
tietam, when he lay at Washington, out at the Asylum 
(the superintendent of which was his old friend, and so 
had invited him there for rest and treatment), a party of 
us rode over from Alexandria one day to call upon him, 
and among other things urged him to recommend Colo- 
nel , of a certain New Jersey regiment, for promo- 
tion to brigadier generalship. He heard us all through 
patiently, and then burst out wrathfully with: ''I will not 
do it! I will never do it! He is a good officer and a 
gallant man, as you say. But he is not fit to be trusted 
with the good name and fame of his brother officers, and 
I will never recommend him for brigadier general." 

We continued to urge him, when again he answered: 
"Why, of all men, you are the last ones to recommend 
him. Do you know he once reported you for 'absence 
without leave,' when he hadn't anything to do with you 
— out of spite and pure ugliness — when you were really 
^absent on sick leave' by my orders and General Heint- 
zelman's? I never said anything about it; but when his 
report passed through my hands (at Harrison's Land- 
ing), I took good care to exonerate you. And the 'Old 
Pirate' is not fit to be trusted with the reputations of 
my officers; and he never shall be, more than he is now, 
with my consent." 

Naturally, we were astounded, as this was the first we 
knew of this business. But, all the same, we urged: 
5 63 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

*'Well, that was long ag^ — is now ancient history — 
and it didn't harm anybo^! Promote him anyhow — 
he is so good a soldier and so capable an officer." 

But Hooker would not listen to us, and promoted 
three other colonels of our brigade (Mott, Revere, and 

Carr) over his head, and Colonel never did get to 

be brigadier general to the end of the war! This was 
very like General Hooker. He had a keen sense of jus- 
tice and great affection for his officers and men, and in 
return they beHeved in and trusted him, and would fol- 
low him to the cannon's mouth — and over the cannon! 

So, also, I remember another experience with him in 

January, 1863. A Lieutenant V , in a New Jersey 

regiment, was ill with typhoid or some other camp fever, 
and his father, a leading citizen of Trenton, N. J., came 
down to look after him. The next day he called to see mc, 
and said his son was sure to die if he remained in camp, 
but that if he could get a ''leave of absence" he would 
take him home, and thought he might save him. I 
told him this was next to impossible, under existing or- 
ders. He said he had just lain all night by the side of 
his son, to keep him warm (the weather was so raw and 
cold), and a few more such nights in a tent would kill his 
boy, and couldn't I do something to help him in the 
premises? His distress was so great, I said I would 
try, but warned him against overconfidence, as few 
"leaves" were being granted, and they had all to go 
through regimental, brigade, division, corps, and grand 
division headquarters, and be approved by all these, be- 
fore they would be considered by Army headquarters. 

However, I drew up an application for ''leave," and had 
the lieutenant sign it, and got it approved at regimental, 
brigade, and division headquarters, and then mounting 
our horses we rode over to corps headquarters, where 
it was also cheerfully approved. Much elated, we rode 

64 



Joseph Hooker 

on to grand division headquarters, and reached there 
soon after dark. I called on the adjutant general, and 
stated our business, but he said it was after office hours, 

and General (our grand division commander) had 

given orders not to be disturbed — he was engaged. I 
asked him where the general was — our business was ur- 
gent — involved life or death, probably — and couldn't 
we possibly see him? He pointed us to a large tent, and 
said we could do as we pleased, but he advised us to re- 
turn next day. As this would involve staying at Acquia 
Creek or Washington over Sunday, and cost two or 
three days, and might prove fatal to his son, the father 
objected, and so we made bold to approach the general's 
tent and knock, when we found him ''engaged" in a 
game of cards with two other major generals, and a bot- 
tle of ''commissary" between them, of course! 

I apologized for the interruption, and, introducing 
myself and the father, stated our business briefly, but I 
was cut short with the curt reply that it was too late for 
business, and we must return next day. I tried to ex- 
plain, and persisted, but was again rebuffed; and as we 
retired from "the presence" of this distinguished major 
general, the father's heart sank within him. We 
mounted our horses and rode dejectedly away — all our 
hard work for nothing! But, suddenly, I remembered 
Hooker, and broke out with: "Let's go up to head- 
quarters, and see General Hooker. I know it is unmili- 
tary to go there without the approval of the grand di- 
vision commander. But let's go up there and see 
Hooker anyhow, and see if he won't cut 'red tape* and 
grant this 'leave,' under the circumstances." 

And so we rode on to headquarters — got there along 
toward midnight of a dark and dismal night — and 
found General Hooker still in his office tent, hard at 
work over his correspondence. As his sentry halted 

6s 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

us, Hooker recognized my^^ice, and called out through 
the tent door cheerily: "Come in, Rusling! Sentry, it is 
all right! Let 'em come in!" And so we went in, and 
told our story briefly, pretty much as above — ''with 
naught extenuate and naught set down in malice" — and 
when we got through, the grand old man — his face 
flushed and eyes blazing — exclaimed: "Where is the pa- 
per? I-et me have it. I'll show General a 'leave' 

can be granted without his approval, in a case Hke this." 

And so he took the application, and indorsed the 
"leave" upon it, in his own handwriting, with verbal or- 
ders to report it to the adjutant general (poor Seth 
Williams). Thanking him for his kindness, we bowed 
ourselves out and rode happily back to our own head- 
quarters. 

And this, too, was "just like General Hooker." And 
it was just such fine acts of chivalry and courtesy, that 
endeared him to everybody that came in contact with 
him — civilians as well as soldiers. 

Perhaps I should add, that Lieutenant V left 

next morning, carried on a stretcher to the railroad at 
Falmouth, and, after an absence of a month or so, re- 
covered and returned to duty; but soon had to resign, 
and subsequently died of this same army disability, or its 
sequences. 

And so, O General Hooker — good friend, brave heart, 
generous soul, great commander — hail and farewell! 

66 




Gen. Meade, J 863. 



George G. Meade 



CHAPTER VI 
George G. Meade 

My next commander, and always highly esteemed, 
was General Meade. He was a West Pointer also, and 
by birth a Pennsylvanian. He had served with credit 
in Mexico, and stood high in the Engineer Corps of the 
Regular Army. His first command during the Civil 
War, I think, was a brigade of Pennsylvania Reserves, 
from which he was duly promoted to division and corps 
commander and rank of major general. He fought well 
on the Peninsula, he distinguished himself at Fred- 
ericksburg and Chancellorsville, and when in June, 1863, 
Lee was invading Pennsylvania, and it was decided to 
relieve General Hooker, Mr. Lincoln naturally turned 
to Meade, because, in addition to other qualifications, 
he was also a Pennsylvanian. Evidently **01d Abe" 
thought there was going to be hard fighting up there in 
Pennsylvania, and who so likely to defend her well as a 
gallant son of her own soil? 

General Meade was then tall and slender, gaunt and 
sad of visage, with iron-gray hair and beard, ensconced 
behind a pair of spectacles, and with few popular traits 
about him, but with a keen and well-disciplined intellect, 
a cool and sound judgment, and by both education 
and temperament was every inch a soldier. He surely 
had need to be all this; for in three days after assum- 
ing command, Gettysburg was precipitated upon him, 
with all its awful cares and tremendous responsibilities. 
How well he met these, and how much he deserved the 
proud title of "Conqueror of Gettysburg," is now mat- 
ter of history. His stout fight there is one of the great 

67 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

battles of history, and wiiy^nk forever with Marathon, 
Platsea, Waterloo, and the other great fields whereon 
the destinies of the human race have been staked and 
won. The mere fact that he there faced Robert E. Lee, 
and whipped him, in a square stand-up fight of three 
days' duration — their two armies not greatly differing 
in actual strength "present for duty" — alone settles his 
fame forever as a military commander, discuss him 
otherwise as we may. 

The first day at Gettysburg Lee struck our right, and, 
elated by Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, thought 
he was going to have things pretty much his own way, 
but was amazed at our stubborn resistance — all honor 
to John Buford and John F. Reynolds, and much honor 
to Howard and Hancock! Poor Reynolds fell — to 
the grief of the whole army — a brilliant and capable 
oflficer, who had already been offered the command and 
declined it, but doubtless would have succeeded to it, 
had he lived and Meade have fallen or proved incapable. 
The second day Lee struck our left, and made a terrific 
struggle for the mastery there (called by many the real 
battle of Gettysburg, because the Confederates lost so 
heavily and were so badly shaken up), but gained noth- 
ing of substantial value — thanks to Sickles, Humphrey, 
Warren, and the gallant Third Corps. The third 
day, still confident, Lee aimed straight at our center, 
believing he could pierce it and ruin us, hazarding 
everything on the cast of a die — on that superb charge 
of Pickett's division, one of the finest exploits in mili- 
tary annals, far surpassing "The Charge of the Light 
Brigade" at Balaclava, immortalized by Alfred Tenny- 
son; but was himself bloodily repulsed and reduced to 
the verge of ruin. 

For all this General Meade deserves the highest 
credit. How well he swung the Army of the Potomac, 

68 



George G. Meade 

about eighty thousand strong then, and fought it right, 
left, center, and all together as it had never been 
fought before! History will not permit anyone to 
detract from his just deserts on those three great days 
at Gettysburg — especially on that last great day, when 
three hundred cannon shook both earth and sky, and 
the whole countryside from Seminary Ridge to Cemetery 
Hill was as the gaping mouth of hell. How magnificent, 
how terrific it all was, and how superbly Meade held the 
reins and guided us safely through ! 

But after Pickett's awful repulse, or rather his anni- 
hilation — for out of his five thousand men less than one 
thousand got back to the Confederate lines, and out of 
twenty-two mounted officers, only two — it is not so 
clear that Meade ought not to have made a "counter- 
thrust" (Lee and his great lieutenant, Longstreet, ex- 
pected this), and he certainly was in fault in not follow- 
ing the Confederates up more sharply, hacking and 
whacking away at them as they fell back from Gettys- 
burg to Williamsport, with a baggage and supply train 
"seventeen miles long" literally filled with their 
wounded and dying — "one long wail of misery and an- 
guish for seventeen miles," as the Confederate General 
Imboden, in command of it, wrote afterward. 

Here at Williamsport, Lee found the Potomac at 
freshet height from July rains, impossible to ford, and 
with his pontoons swept away, and had Meade hit him 
promptly and heavily, as he was well able to do with his 
victorious and reinforced army, it is hard to say what 
might not have happened. It is clear that Mr. Lincoln 
and his Cabinet expected much just then, and had good 
reason to do so.^ It was certainly a great opportunity, 
big with vast possibilities, such as come to men but once 
in a century or so. For had Lee been compelled to sur- 

* JVar Records, vol. xxvii, part iii. pp. 529-553, 567-605, 612, 645, etc. 
69 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

render then and there, tl^ war would have ended in 
1863, instead of 1865, and there would have been no 
Wilderness campaign, and no Sheridan in the Valley, 
and no Sherman's March down to the Sea in 1864. But 
Meade called a council of war, which, of course, did 
nothing, as usual. Then he reconnoitered a week, and 
called another council of war, and then decided to ad- 
vance next morning, notwithstanding his council of war 
advised otherwise.^ 

But ''next morning" Lee was not there! Like the 
shrewd and capable commander he was, on arriving at 
WiUiamsport and finding the Potomac unfordable, Lee 
did not sit down in despair (as a lesser man might well 
have done), but he promptly set to work to collect canal 
boats and to improvise pontoon bridges out of these and 
other materials, pulling dow^n houses, tearing down mills, 
cutting down trees, etc., and by thus taking advantage of 
our tardiness, the very night Meade made up his mind to 
attack (July 13), Lee crossed the Potomac successfully, 
and was safe back in Virginia again. How it must have 
delighted his Confederate soul — even as Antaeus gained 
new vitality and strength whenever he touched his mother 
earth ! 

But Meade, disgusted — as he might well have been, 
seeing how he had been ''euchred" and the country dis- 
appointed — now tendered his resignation, like the man he 
was. But he was continued in command, and promptly 
crossed the Potomac also, and followed Lee down to the 
Rapidan (warding him ofif from Washington and Alex- 
andria), with now and then a brisk attack, but no serious 
action, and there both armies came to a mutual halt. 

I saw much of General Meade during his delay at Wil- 
liamsport (being on duty temporarily at Army head- 
quarters), and know he was greatly anxious and 

I fVifr Records^ vol. xxvii, par^ iji, p. 703, 
70 



George G. Meade 

troubled over what to do and how to do it. Halleck 
was urging him to attack every day — almost every hour 
— *'hit or miss."^ But Halleck was safe in the War De- 
partment at Washington, eighty miles away, while 
Meade was in the field at the head of the army, and keen- 
ly alive to his duties and responsibilities. 

This must be said for General Meade, that if he sat still, 
Washington at least was safe beyond peradventure, and 
this was an important factor in the game he was then play- 
ing. He had just fought a great battle and won a great 
victory, and was it now^ wise to hazard all this by another 
great battle, which might go wrong, as battles sometimes 
do and will ? Besides, he would now have to attack, and 
Lee would be on the defense, on interior lines, and he 
might give Us another Fredericksburg over again, which 
would have been most disastrous there and then. No 
doubt Meade weighed all these things well. But the 
fact that he at last decided to attack, when it was a week 
too late, I think history will hold as due proof that he 
ought to have attacked immediately, when he found 
Lee in such desperate straits, with a defeated and de- 
pleted army, and the unfordable Potomac at his back, 
and had he done so the chances are he would have 
covered himself and the army with imperishable renown. 
Had Meade been a greater or a lesser soldier, unques- 
tionably he would have done so. As it is, let us be thank- 
ful he was what he was, and at least conquered at Get- 
tysburg. 

I well remember that week or so at Williamsport. At 
Army headquarters we were all on the qui znve every day, 
and eager for action. Each day we expected something 
big to happen, but nothing came of it. On the night 
Lee escaped (July 13) we were ordered to breakfast at 
dawn, and to be in the saddle by 7 a. m. But next morn- 

l War Records^ vol xxvii, part iii, p. 605, etc. 
71 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ing, as we mounted, a dispell was received from How 
ard, that the Confederate works in his front "were 
evacuated;" and soon an officer came galloping down 
the road, with the news that Kilpatrick had entered 
Williamsport at 8 a. m., and the Confederates were al- 
ready safe across the Potomac. Lee had begun his 
movement at midnight,^ leaving Jeb Stuart to cover 
his withdrawal and retreat with his cavalry; and by day- 
Hght was mostly over. Our advance struck his rearguard 
at Falling Waters, and captured some two thousand pris- 
oners, etc.^ But what might we not have accomplished 
had we struck Lee the day before or a week before? 

At headquarters, I am sure, there was a general 
feeling of disappointment and regret, not to say cha- 
grin. Elaving nothing better to do, with two or three 
other officers, however, I rode on up the Williamsport 
road, exploring the beautiful country there and inspect- 
ing Lee's abandoned works, etc., quite down to the 
river, and thought then, and have always thought, that 
Meade here missed a great and golden opportunity. 

About August I, 1863, I was assigned regularly to 
duty at headquarters, Army of the Potomac, and con- 
tinued there until about November 10. I saw much of 
General Meade during this period, and came to have a 
high appreciation of his mind and character. I found 
him to be a conscientious and hard worker; as a rule, 
rising early and retiring late. He did not seem to care 
much for ''Reviews," but believed greatly in reports and 
inspections, and by means of these and his own keen ob- 
servations kept himself well informed as to the character 
and condition of all parts of the army. He was not so- 
cial — had few, indeed, of the popular arts that Hooker 
possessed — was habitually grave and reticent. But he 

• War Records, vol. xxvii, part iii, p. looi. 
•/3/flr..p. 698. 

72 



George G. Meade 

was accessible for all needed purposes, and constantly 
grew in the estimation of capable and worthy officers. 

Of course, we lived in tents, and as the autumn came 
on our huge headquarter camp fire became a point 
of reunion for all headquarter officers, especially after 
nightfall. Here every evening you would find Meade, 
with his hands clasped behind him and his head bent 
forward, with his fatigue cap or old slouch hat well 
down over his eyes, chatting gravely with Humphrey, his 
chief of staff, or Seth Williams, his adjutant general, or 
Ingalls, his chief quartermaster, or Hunt, his chief of artil- 
lery, or Warren, his chief engineer, or other general 
officers that happened along, and midnight often found his 
solitary candle still burning in his tent and the commander 
in chief hard at w^ork there. 

As a rule, he was a better listener than talker. Ingalls 
and Hunt were the great talkers there, and they both 
talked exceedingly well, and Warren, too, was keen 
and bright. What campaigns they planned and un- 
planned! How they outwitted Lee and ended the re- 
bellion again and again! What camp stories they told! 
What old soldier "yarns" they spun! But no space for 
them here. Meade's sense of humor was not large, bul 
he was keen and intelligent, his mind worked broadly 
and comprehensively, his patriotism was perfect, his 
sense of duty intense; and he would willingly have laid 
down his life at any time had our cause required it. In 
manner he was often sharp and peremptory, but this was 
because of his utter absorption in great affairs. 

While thus serving here in October, 1863, we had our 
famous ''see-saw" campaign, from Culpeper to Centre- 
ville, and back again. Lee suddenly advanced to turn 
our right, with about forty thousand men, and we im- 
mediatelv retired behind the Rappahannock, and kept it 
up until w^e reached the heights of Centreville, though 

73 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

we numbered over sixty ^lousand men.^ Here we 
halted two or three days, with Bull Run in our front, in- 
viting Lee to attack us, but he was too wary to take 
such risks. Evidently Gettysburg had been enough for 
him! Then he retired again behind the Rappahannock, 
and we "chasseed" back after him, and were both soon in 
our old camps again near Warrenton and Culpeper, 
without much hard fighting on either side. This cam- 
paign has been much criticised, but if Meade erred at all 
it was on the safe side, and in war as in civil life prudence 
is often "the better part of valor." Clearly he did not 
want to fight a third Bull Run, on the same unlucky 
ground substantially of McDowell and Pope's sad re- 
verses, but preferred the safer and infinitely stronger line 
of Centreville. So, Lee knew better than to "butt his 
brains out" against the heights of Centreville, and wise- 
ly retreated when he found he could not catch Meade 
napping nor decoy him into a losing battle. 

During this movement to the rear, on October 13, as 
we neared the Rappahannock, General Meade ordered 
me to take charge of our immense wagon trains, and 
hasten their crossing below Rappahannock Station. 
The consolidated trains of the Army of the Potomac 
then averaged about fifty miles. I found them all cross- 
ing by a single ford, and at once directed new fords to be 
constructed, by cutting down the banks of the river, 
etc., and soon had several trains crossing simultaneously 
and rapidly, and at dusk rode into headquarters near 
Catlett's Station, and reported our trains practically 
over. But I was myself thoroughly exhausted, having 
been in the saddle all day and most of the previous night 
and day, and after a meager supper was soon sound asleep. 
In an hour or so, however, along about nine o'clock, an 
orderly roused me with : 

* See Appendix, p. 368. 

74 



George G. Meade 

"General Meade's compliments, and he wants to see 
you immediately." 

Reporting to him, he said our trains had gone into 
park for the night at Brentsville, about ten or twelve 
miles distant, with orders to move on next day to Fair- 
fax Station, to the rear of Centreville; but that the Con- 
federate cavalry were working round in that direction, 
and he feared that they might raid or "gobble up" our 
trains, unless they were started at once for Fairfax, and 
he wished me to proceed immediately to Brentsville and 
take charge of affairs there. I hesitated; hinted I was 
used up, dead-beat with fatigue, etc.; but he cut me 
short by saying I had managed the trains so well at the 
Rappahannock that day, that he was going to intrust me 
with this Brentsville job also. And then he added, by 
way of parting benediction: 

"Good-bye, Rusling! The Rebs are reported off in 
that direction, and you may bring up in Richmond be- 
fore I see you again!" 

"No, I won't either, General," I rejoined, kindling up 
(evidently as he intended); "I will go through all right, 
and put the trains through, too." 

He gave me his hand, and smiled gravely down from 
behind his glasses (I was only a young fellow then, and 
of moderate stature compared with Meade's), and bade 
me take what escort I wanted. But I chose only four 
cavalrymen, for secrecy and speed, and was soon in the 
saddle again and off for Brentsville. 

Once out of camp, we abandoned the main road, and 
struck straight for Brentsville by the byways and planta- 
tion roads, depending on an "intelligent contraband" as 
guide, that I picked up at the first cabin, with a promise of 
five dollars if he piloted us safe through, or a bullet 
through his head if he misled or betrayed us. 

"All right, massa," he answered, displaying his 

75 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ivories; 'Til take dat five pilars; fer I was gwine wid 
you Yankees, anyway!" 

I mounted him behind one of the cavalrymen, and 
though the night was pitch dark we reached Brents- 
ville safely before midnight. Here we found the teams 
ungeared and everybody fast asleep; but soon had the 
trains on the road again and off briskly for Fairfax Sta- 
tion. With the trains thus well in motion, and their 
corps quartermasters well instructed, I threw myself on 
the ground by a flickering camp fire, and went heavily 
to sleep, and slept till after sunrise of a superb October 
morning, and, then waking up, found our vast trains 
still rolling on and on. I breakfasted with some ofificers 
on a cup of coffee, hard-tack, and fried pork, and then 
smoked a pipe and lounged on the porch of the Brents- 
ville tavern (its proprietor, of course, in the Confederate 
service) until the last train was well on its way, and then, 
mounting my horse, started for Centreville. 

I struck the railroad again at Bristoe about noon, and 
with my little escort (minus the "contraband," whom I 
had turned over to the trains as a teamster — no doubt 
he made a good one) was jogging leisurely along to- 
ward Manassas, but had not got a mile away from Bris- 
toe before I heard brisk firing back there, and found the 
Confederates under A. P. Hill had swooped in just to my 
rear, and would certainly have "gobbled" me up had I 
been only a few minutes later. It was a narrow escape 
— a rather "close call," as old soldiers say — but an es- 
cape, nevertheless. As it was, they ran into the Sec- 
ond Corps, and struck it heavily. But Warren handled 
them so roughly, and showed such good generalship 
by posting his men in a railroad cut and some old earth- 
works there, that they were soon glad to withdraw, with 
a severe loss both in killed and wounded. 

Of course, I was cut off and could not reach Warren, 

76 



George G. Meade 

and so I rode on to headquarters at Centreville and re- 
ported to Meade that same afternoon. He seemed glad, 
and congratulated me on my safe return, and I was glad 
to find my tent pitched, and to get a good "square meal" 
and a night's unbroken rest again. This was on October 
14, 1863. The Comte de Paris, in his admirable History 
of the Civil War in America (the best yet written). Vol. 
Ill, pages yyy, yy^, in speaking of our trains here, 
says : "They were retarded and not able to reach Brents- 
ville (October 15), and were thus greatly exposed." But 
he is mistaken, as our last wagon left Brentsville before 
noon of the fourteenth, and rolled into Fairfax Station 
safe and sound before nightfall, as above stated. Meade's 
order, "The trains will move to the vicinity of Brents- 
ville," is dated October 13, i p. m. (War Records, Vol. 
XXIX, part II, page 305), and that same night I rode to 
Brentsville and hastened thence to Fairfax Station as 
above stated. 

We got back to Warrenton and Warrenton Junction 
again about November i, and both armies practically re- 
sumed their old lines. Lee had gained his object, which 
evidently was to baffle and bully Meade and lead him to 
waste a month of magnificent weather, in which he 
should have been campaigning and fighting. Doubt- 
less Lee thought we would now go into winter quarters; 
but after about a week Meade decided on a new move- 
ment against Lee's right, by way of Kelly's Ford and 
Mine Run, hoping ultimately to seize the heights of 
PVedericksburg by surprise and move on Richmond by 
that route.^ In the early morning of the day we moved, 
as I was about mounting my horse to accompany head- 
quarters — we had breakfasted about daylight — I was 

* Meade could not divest himself of the idea that Fredericksburg was the true route to 
Richmond. Soon after arriving at Warrenton he recommended this and urged it repeat- 
edly. But Mr. Lincoln replied : " I have constantly desired the Army of the Potomac to 
make Lee's Army and not Richmond its obiective point." And Grant afterward adopted 
the same phraseology. — War Records, vol. xxix. part iii, pp. 201, 202, 207, 208, 361,409, etc. 

77 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

handed a telegram from th^Var Department, directing 
me to proceed at once to Tennessee and report to Gen- 
eral George H. Thomas. I sought General Meade, and 
handing him the telegram, asked him what it meant? 
Expressing surprise, he said he ''hardly knew what ; was 
sorry to lose me, etc. ; but it is a safe rule always to obey 
orders — especially when they are signed by Secretary 
Stanton!" And then he added, as a crumb of comfort 
(for I was reluctant to go West — all my friends were in 
the East): "It will likely lead to promotion, young man! 
George Thomas needs good officers out there!" 

And so, shaking hands and kindly bidding me "good- 
bye," and "good luck to you !" he mounted his horse and 
rode to the front, while I, shaking hands with the stafT and 
bidding everybody good-bye, within an hour took the 
cars at the nearest railroad station, with my horses and 
baggage, and before noon was back in Washington and 
en route to Nashville. 

This seemed to me at the time a great misfortune — 
one of the most untoward events of my life — as if I was 
"banished to Botany Bay" — and I could not understand it. 
It caused me many a bitter hour, as I traveled westward. 
But in the end it made me full colonel, and brigadier gen- 
eral (by brevet), and on the whole was the luckiest thing 
that could have happened to me. It brought me into con- 
tact with Grant and Sherman and Thomas, and their great 
operations in the West, and broadened and helped me on 
many lines and in many ways ever afterward. And so, 
*'Hail and thanks" to Edwin M. Stanton, after all! 

I never saw General Meade again. I did not get East 
again until August, 1865, and it so happened our paths 
never crossed each other afterward. The affair at Mine 
Run (November, 1863), above alluded to, though at first 
big with promise, ended in a iiaseo, and we were soon 
back at Brandv Station and Warrenton, with the two 

78 



George G. Meade 

armies facing each other, Hke grim gladiators, on the 
Hne of the Rapidan again (December, 1863).^ Here the 
Army of the Potomac went into winter quarters, the 
weather getting to be bad, and Meade not knowing 
what better to do. Clearly Lee had out maneuvered and 
outwitted him, and the campaign of 1863 closed with 
the honors in Lee's favor, notwithstanding his ghastly 
repulse at Gettysburg. 

Nevertheless Meade was continued in command of the 
Army of the Potomac in 1864 and until the close of the 
war ; and on the whole, history will declare he commanded 
it well. It is true, his command in 1864-65 was mainly 
nominal; for Grant was there himself, and in supreme 
command — overseeing and directing everything — with 
his eye and hand on everybody, and vowed to victory. 
But Meade must have shown high qualities, of both loyalty 
and generalship, or Grant surely would not have tolerated 
him even thus. He was certainly a great and able com- 
mander, if just a Httle too prudent at times; and as the 
conqueror of Gettysburg, and last commander of the 
Army of the Potomac, his fame is secure forever. To 
Pennsylvanians, at least, he will always be a hero and an 
idol ; and to all others, a great and illustrious American^ 
while time lasts or history endures. 

» How disappointing this was to Mr, Stanton is shown by his following brief telegram to 
General Butler, at Fortress Monroe, Dec. 2 : " Meade is on the back track again with- 
out a fight." — War Records, vol. xxix, part ii, p. 537. 

6 79 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER VII 
George H. Thomas 

My next commander, and always greatly honored and 
esteemed, was General Thomas. Not Lorenzo Thomas, 
Adjutant General United States Army, but George H. 
Thomas, Major General United States Army, and Com- 
mander in Chief of the Army of the Cumberland. They 
differed considerably. The one was a Delawarian, 
and worthy of Delaware — the home of the whipping 
post still — smoothbore and narrow-gauge, a master of 
red tape. The other was a Virginian, and worthy of the 
home of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson — 
big-souled, broad-gauged, built on the plan of Plu- 
tarch's men. Large-framed, clear-headed, judgmatical, 
I think George H. Thomas resembled George Washing- 
ton in body, brain, and soul more than any ofificer I met 
during the civil war. In some respects, indeed, he was 
an abler man than our American Fabius; but whether, 
on the whole, he could have swung things so well as 
George Washington did during our American Revolu- 
tion may, of course, be doubted. 

Though a Virginian, "native and to the manor born," 
and with the air and bearing of a real Virginian, Thomas, 
unlike Robert E. Lee, did not resign his commission 
and desert his colors when Virginia seceded (or tried to). 
He had graduated well at West Point, and served 
honorably and creditably in Mexico, and now stood 
loyally by the United States, though tempted much to 
accept a Virginia or Confederate commission. Doubt- 
less the fact that he had married a New Yorker had 
something to do with it. A good wife always anchors 

80 




Gen. George H, Thomas, J 864. 



George H. Thomas 

a good man to good things. But, however this may be, 
in the dark winter and spring of 1861, when Southern- 
born officers by the score were resigning and flocking 
over to Jefferson Davis, Thomas was always "faithful 
among the faithless found," and certainly this was remem- 
bered to his credit in after years by Abraham Lincoln and 
Edwin M. Stanton. 

At first, in 1861, he was only a colonel of regulars 
under General Patterson, at Harper's Ferry, Va. Think 
of his masquerading there as colonel, when he ought to 
have been major general and commander in chief! Had 
he been so, in the light of his subsequent career, it is not 
too much to say that Joseph E. Johnston would never 
have slipped away from his vigilant eyes and firm fingers 
to reinforce Beauregard at Manassas, and our first Bull 
Run would likely have resulted the other way. 

Later, in August, 1861, he was made Brigadier Gen- 
eral of Volunteers and ordered West, and there soon 
distinguished himself by the handsome victory of Mill 
Springs, Ky., January, 1862. This was the beginning of 
his long and uninterrupted career of successes, until ulti- 
mately he became celebrated as ''the Union general who 
never lost a battle." It was no fault of his that his fine 
division did not get up at Shiloh or Pittsburg Landing 
in time to do much service. But at Stone River, or 
Murfreesboro (December 31, 1862, to January 2, 1863), 
he commanded our center, and bore the brunt of the 
awful conflict there, and shared with Sheridan and 
Hazen the honors of that bloody field — such as they 
were. When Rosecrans, dispirited (as well he might 
be) at the close of the first day's fight, summoned a coun- 
cil of war and submitted the question as to whether they 
should retreat or try it again, Thomas's sturdy answer 
was, "This army cannot retreat," and wrapping himself 
in his blanket he turned over and went calrnly to sleep, 

81 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and thus assured our sj|j>sequent substantial victory 
there. It was, indeed, a "bloody field." We lost 12,000 
out of 43,000 men engaged, and Bragg 10,000 out of 
47,000. But Bragg held twenty-eight of our guns cap- 
tured in action; and it was only sheer pluck and "clear 
grit" on our side, that induced the Confederates to yield 
the field at last. 

In the masterly advance from Murfreesboro to Chick- 
amauga, Thomas was ever vigilant and gallant, and on 
that fateful field (September 19-23, 1863), when Rose- 
crans, Crittenden, McCook, and others had drifted to 
the rear (Rosecrans, indeed, into Chattanooga — more 
shame to him), Thomas still stood like a lion at bay in 
command of our center and left wing, and saved the 
Army of the Cumberland from ruin and dishonor, and, 
indeed, then and there well won the sobriquet of the 
"Rock of Chickamauga." Chickamauga, in some re- 
spects, was not unlike Gettysburg, as anyone can see 
who visits the field there now. When Thomas at last 
stumbled back on Snodgrass Hill there, his position was 
much akin to that of Meade's at Cemetery Ridge, and 
Longstreet ought to have recognized this — having been 
whipped at Gettysburg only the July before. No Con- 
federate power on earth could have driven Thomas from 
Snodgrass Hill, had the rest of the army here ralHed 
to his support. 

Of course, Rosecrans, having lost his head, was now 
relieved, and also, of course, by common consent, the 
command at Chattanooga was now turned over to 
Thomas, and right well did he vindicate his promotion. 
He had been tendered the same when Buell was relieved 
in October, 1862, but declined it. To Grant's anxious 
telegram from Louisville, en route from Vicksburg to 
Chattanooga, "Hold on to Chattanooga at all hazards. 
Will be with you myself in three davs," his heroic reply 

83 



George H. Thomas 

was (so characteristic of the man), "We will hold the 
town till zve starve!'' And they did come pretty nearly 
to starving — lost over ten thousand horses and mules, 
and the troops reduced to half rations — before Sherman 
arrived with relief and Grant got things well straight- 
ened out there. 

In our final struggle about Chattanooga (November 
23-25, 1863), Thomas commanded our center, and with 
Sheridan, Wood, and others swept magnificently up the 
heights of Missionary Ridge, stormed the Confederate 
center, charged their apparently impregnable artillery, 
crushed their gallant infantry, and whelmed Bragg in 
one universal ruin. Poor old Bragg — obstinate and 
chuckle-headed to the last! He thought he had us 
"Yanks" in a trap there, sure, and was going to bag us 
all for sure! But what more could he expect, with four 
such adversaries as Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Sheri- 
dan all present on the field, and all four "pulling true'* 
as a team of thoroughbreds against him. 

In the great Atlanta campaign of 1864 Thomas com- 
manded the Army of the Cumberland still, and how 
much Sherman depended on and was indebted to him 
will be seen when I say that, out of the ninety-eight 
thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven men compos- 
ing Sherman's triple army (of the Cumberland, the Ohio, 
and the Tennessee), Thomas commanded sixty thou- 
sand seven hundred and seventy-three. In all the opera- 
tions and actions from Chattanooga to Atlanta, indeed, 
Thomas handled his troops with consummate ability 
and conspicuous gallantry, and had the full confidence of 
that great soldier, General Sherman. Indeed, Sherman 
took no important step there without first consulting 
Thomas, and trusted him fully as to both strategy and 
tactics. He never had to give him precise orders and 
detailed instructions as lesser lieutenants, but only in- 

83 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

dicated his objective poinjp^ and then with general sug- 
gestions left him large liberty of action — a wise course 
with such a lieutenant. And Thomas never abused this 
confidence, but rather amply justified it by sound judg- 
ment and soldierly conduct, that endeared him more and 
more to his men every mile of the campaign from Chat- 
tanooga to Atlanta. 

With the capture of Atlanta (September 2, 1864)^ — 
a genuine and great feat of arms that saved the fortunes 
of the war and reelected Abraham Lincoln — Sherman 
decided to strike next at Savannah; but he must needs 
also take care of Tennessee and Kentucky, and this 
grave task he now intrusted unreservedly to General 
Thomas. Thomas, of course, would have preferred to 
go ''Marching through Georgia" by the side of his illus- 
trious chief. But, good soldier that he was, he uncom- 
plainingly retraced his steps, first to Chattanooga, and 
then back to Nashville. Here he took upon himself the 
conduct of the memorable campaign and battle of Nash- 
ville — his first independent command — and disclosed 
qualities, I venture to say, that placed him in the very 
forefront of military commanders. He was the one 
colossal figure in all that region, during all that period ; 
and now let us see zvJiat he did and Jiozu he went about it. 

His first duty here, of course, was to watch Hood, and 
divine where he was going to strike, and then to check- 
mate and destroy him, if possible. Hood, gallant and 
prompt soldier that he was, quickly gathered up his 
Confederates, and, feigning first to attack Chattanooga, 
nevertheless aimed straight for Nashville. This hand- 
some city, the Athens of the South, was then our great 
depot of supplies for all that region — what Washington 
was to us in the East — and Hood hoped to capture this 
and push the war back to the Ohio, as a good set-off to 

» " Atlanta is ours and fairly won." as Sherman telegraphed. 
84 



George H. Thomas 

Sherman's audacity. Had he succeeded, Sherman's 
superb march down to the sea would have been largely 
neutralized, and his own great campaign of 1864 have 
gone down to history as ''magnificent" indeed, ''but not 
war." Sherman, gifted with genius, was not uncon- 
scious of this. But, great soldier that he was, he trusted 
Providence and "took the chances." But this was only 
because he had first taken the measure of Thomas, and 
held his chosen lieutenant assuredly equal to the grave 
business in hand. 

Meanwhile, General Thomas, once back at Nashville 
(October, 1864), and sure of Hood's objective point, first 
pushed Schofield out with the best troops he had — the 
Fourth and Twenty-third Corps and Wilson's Cavalry, 
all good troops — to watch and worry Hood and retard 
his advance — and then set to work himself with hercu- 
lean energies to reinforce and further fortify Nashville. 
Had he had his own old Army of the Cumberland com- 
plete, which he had done so much to drill and discipline, 
he would have been supremely confident. But Sherman 
had taken the flower of this with him, and it was now 
Thomas's hard duty to pick up the odds and ends at the 
rear — scattered garrisons of posts and depots, railroad 
guards, white and colored troops, green regiments en 
route from the North, etc. — and to fuse and weld these 
into one homogeneous and fighting whole, in aid of 
Schofield's hard-pressed force.^ Without a grumble or 
complaint (vide McClellan on the Peninsula), he quickly 
concentrated all these at Nashville, and next armed five 
thousand out of the fourteen thousand quartermaster 
employees then there (many of them old soldiers), and 
sent them into the trenches. Then he called out the citi- 
zens, white and colored, Union and Confederate, and set 
them to work on his extended lines. But his "Morning 

1 War Records^ vol. xlv, part ii, p. 17. 
85 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Reports" showed he still lacked numbers; and so he 
called on his old chief, Ro^crans (then commanding in 
Missouri), to lend him A. J. Smith's corps — eleven thou- 
sand as fine troops as ever marched or fought — and on 
the arrival of these his mind and heart cleared fairly up. 
I had seen and talked with him daily (some days 
several times a day) from his arrival at Nashville Octo- 
ber 3, and a cloud of anxious care rested always on his 
brow. Habitually, during all that period, he wore his 
military hat pulled down over his grave gray eyes — was 
reticent and gloomy; but now his hat lifted, his broad 
brow cleared up, and his strong and massive face began 
to shine with the fierce light of impending battle. I hap- 
pened in his quarters the night General A. J. Smith ar- 
rived at Nashville, by way of the Cumberland, from St. 
Louis, with thirteen transports and eight armored gun- 
boats swarming with veteran soldiers, and I shall never 
forget the scene. It was the night of the battle of Frank- 
lin (November 30), and our news of matters there was as 
yet uncertain.^ Judge Campbell, of the United States 
Supreme Court, then residing at Nashville, gave a recep- 
tion that night, and on my way to it I dropped into Gen- 
eral Thomas's headquarters (about nine o'clock), to in- 
quire more about Franklin. Thomas, his hat up and face 
all aglow, handed me a telegram from Schofield, an- 
nouncing that he had defeated Hood; putting thirteen of 
his general oiHeers alone and over six thousand of his men 
hors de combat — a terrific blow to the Confederates — but 
was now falling back on Nashville in pursuance of his 
orders. Thomas eagerly inquired if I had any news 
from A. J. Smith. I answered, no; that I had sent a 
swift steamer down the Cumberland early in the after- 
noon to hurry him forward, but it was not yet time for 
his arrival. 

^IVar Records, vol. xlv, part 1, p. 34; part ii, p. 17. 

86 



George H. Thomas 

''Well," he said, "if Smith does not get here tonight, 
he will not get here at all; for tomorrow Hood will strike 
the Cumberland and close it against all transports." 

I replied, he need not fear, for Smith would certainly 
"arrive soon;" and went on to Judge Campbell's. 

About midnight I left Judge Campbell's, and on my 
way back dropped in at Thomas's headquarters again, 
and there I found Schofield and T. J. Wood just arrived 
from Franklin, and all three in conference over what was 
to be done next day. Wood was still on crutches, from 
a wound received in the Atlanta campaign ; but in com- 
mand of his corps, and handling it ably and gallantly. 
Thomas introduced me to the other two, and again 
eagerly inquired about A. J. Smith. 

''O," I replied, ''he is all right. Just as I came in I 
heard his steamers tooting along the levee!" 

And, even as I spake, the door opened, and in strode 
General A. J. Smith, a grizzled old veteran but a soldier 
all through. They all four greeted each other eagerly; 
but Thomas (undemonstrative as he was) literally took 
Smith in his arms and hugged him; for he now felt abso- 
lutely sure of coping with Hood, and defeating him duly. 
They first discussed Franklin, and rejoiced over it, and 
then Thomas spread his maps on the floor and pointed 
out his Nashville lines, explaining their bearings and sig- 
nificance. I left them at i a. m., all four down on their 
knees and examining attentively the positions to be as- 
sumed next morning, as Schofield and Wood fell back 
on Nashville and Smith marched out from the Cumber- 
land. 

The next morning I rode down to the levee, to take a 
look at our new friends. They were a rough-looking 
set, bivouacked all along the levee, and cooking coflFee. 
I rode up to a group, and asked who they were and 
where they were from. 

87 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

*'We are 'Smith's guerriUpB !' "^ the answer was. ''We 
have been to Vicksburg, Red River, Missouri, and about 
everywhere else down South and out West, and now we 
are going to Hades, if old 'A. J.' orders us!" 

Now came the siege of Nashville proper. Nashville 
is beautifully situated on the Cumberland River, which 
here makes a sharp bend north, and within this bend, on 
the southerly side of the river, lies the goodly city itself. 
Hood at once stretched his forces across this bend, occu- 
pying the crests of a series of hills, three or four miles 
from the city — his flanks covered by cavalry — and thus 
boldly confronted Thomas, who occupied a similar but 
better series of hills, nearer, of course, to Nashville. 
Thomas had the advantage of position, as his line was 
shorter, and many of his hills were also heavily fortified, 
and had been for a year or two. Their fighting strength, 
however, was not dissimilar, about fifty thousand men 
each — Thomas rather less, all told, of real effectives, 
though reported more. But Hood had the advantage 
here, as his troops were mainly well-seasoned veterans, 
the flower of the Southwest, toughened and tried by 
arduous campaigns and bloody battles, the survivals 
substantially of the Atlanta campaign; while Thomas's 
were many of them green and mixed troops, as I have 
heretofore stated. 

Hood thus sat down seriously before Nashville, cut- 
ting our communications with everything south and 
west, and immediately began feeling our lines, as if 
meaning to attack. Next he planted batteries on the 
Cumberland, and thus closed that artery for supplies to 
everything but armored gunboats. Our only line of 
communication still left open was the Louisville and 
Nashville Railroad to the north, already overwhelmed 



' This was their usual name, because of their wide service and rapid work. IVaif 
Records^ vol. xlv, part ii, p. 235. 

88 



George H. Thomas 

with locomotives and cars withdrawn from Nashville 
and below, and a slender and precarious Hne at best; a 
single track road, nearly two hundred miles long, Hable 
to be cut by guerrillas at any moment, and which Forrest 
was only waiting for the Cumberland to fall to cross and 
smash at his pleasure. 

We were thus pretty thoroughly cooped up and 
penned in for a time ; and people at a distance, who knew 
little about our strength or the state of our supplies, 
naturally enough grew nervous.^ There was, however, 
no real cause for alarm at any time, especially after Hood 
let his first forty-eight hours sUp by without assaulting. 
Had he attacked at once on arriving, and massed heavily 
on our right — the weakest point in our Hne at that time, 
though afterward made one of the strongest — he might 
have given Thomas some trouble; though he could 
hardly have succeeded in his enterprise. 

In fact, our last reinforcements (Smith from St. Louis 
and Steedman from Chattanooga) gave us such a happy 
preponderance of both infantry and artillery, that, from 
the hour they were both safely in, nobody there who 
knew much of affairs ever seriously doubted our ability 
to hold Nashville at all hazards and against all contin- 
gencies.2 Steedman, indeed, like Smith, got in just in 
the nick of time ''to save his bacon." In truth, Steed- 
man did not save his entirely, as a few of his last cars, 
loaded with troops, were attacked and captured by the 
daring Forrest, almost within sight of Nashville. Gen- 
eral N. B. Forrest, though an uneducated man, was 
yet one of the most distinguished and successful of 
all the Confederate cavalry leaders. He it was who, 
when asked one day the secret of success in war, replied : 
*'To git thar fustest with the mostest men !" 

* IVar Records, vol. xlv, part ii, pp. 16, 17, 
' See chap, xv, p. 376. ^(83. 

89 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

And so, with our forces^l up, with everybody at work 
and all in good heart and trim, we soon had two goodly 
lines of works constructed, encircling Nashville on the 
south and west; frowning with forts and redoubts, and 
bristling with rifle pits, and covering our whole outlying 
hills, as I have said, from the Cumberland around to the 
Cumberland again. We were thus ready to receive 
Hood, and prepared at all points to meet his attack, so 
early as December 5 or 6 — FrankUn being fought No- 
vember 30. 

Thomas now waited; but Hood did not come. He 
tempted him with reconnoissances, but he would not re- 
spond; he peppered him with round shot, but he would 
not answer; he compHmented him with shell, but he did 
not reply. Hood evidently had the strange notion that 
Thomas would either evacuate without fighting, or 
would be starved into a surrender by the cutting of his 
communications; and, therefore, that all he had to do 
was to make good his investment, and strike as he was 
able at the Louisville Railroad, a la Sherman at Jones- 
boro when aiming at Atlanta. 

He singularly mistook his man. He forgot he was 
dealing with "The Rock of Chickamauga." A novice in 
warfare might have known Thomas better. His forces 
all in hand and his works well completed, with fair sup- 
plies of all kinds on hand and abundance of most, 
Thomas's once anxious brow had long since cleared 
thoroughly up; and it was now apparent to all, who hap- 
pened much at headquarters, that " Old Pap Tom," 
as his soldiers were fond of calling him, prudent 
commander as he was, would soon be "spoiling for a 
fight!" 

The battle of Nashville would have been delivered 
now, instead of later; for General Thomas was now fully 
ready. He was confident of his men, and knew his men 

90 



George H. Thomas 

to be confident of him; but one thing more was yet 
needed, to make his anticipated victory double sure, and 
that was cavalry.^ He had plenty of cavalrymen, and 
tolerably good cavalrymen, too, but only about half 
enough horses; their animals having broken down and 
been used up in the hard campaign so far from Georgia 
and Alabama back into Tennessee, and others were not 
to be had anywhere, in the regular way, within the re- 
quired time. To get them from the North, by purchase 
and requisition, might take a month or longer, and this 
would never do. So he issued an order to seize and im- 
press all serviceable horses within our lines, in Tennessee-- 
and Kentucky ,2 at all hazards and whatever cost; leav- 
ing the government to settle for them afterward. 

Within a week he had his dismounted cavalrymen re- 
mounted and ready for business. I think this "seizure" 
resulted in over seven thousand fresh horses, but I am 
not sure as to the exact figures. But Thomas, and 
Wilson, his chief of cavalry, I personally know, were 
greatly delighted to secure these ''mounts." 

Now, at last. General Thomas was ready and eager to 
move; but unluckily a heavy rain now set in, and Jack 
Frost happened along, and soon the whole Nashville 
hills were aglare with ice — impracticable for cavalry, 
artillery, and infantry alike. 

''Both armies were ice-bound," said Thomas in his 
Report.^ Neither man nor beast could now keep his 
feet, and so Thomas for some days yet was still further 
compelled to "nurse his wrath to keep it warm." Grant 
in the East, a thousand miles away, could not under- 
stand this, and impatient at what seemed Thomas's in- 
decision and delay, telegraphed him repeatedly from 

^IVar Records, vol. xlv, part ii, p. 17. 

'He did this December 2. It was authorized by Secretaiy of War December 2, but 
ordered by Thomas before his authority arrived. IVar Records^ vol. xlv, part ii, p. 29. See 
aUo ibid., pp. t6-i8. 

^IVar Records.^ vol, xlv, part ii, pp. 114, 120. 155; also part 1, p. 37. 

91 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

City Point to attack Hood^t once, with all his forces.^ 
But Thomas, wary and wise, and understanding the situ- 
ation better, answered back that he had done and was 
doing "everything in his power," and if dissatisfied they 
might reheve him, and if relieved he ''would submit 
without a murmur." But he could not move against 
his judgment.^ 

Grant, well knowing Thomas's value, was reluctant to 
relieve him ; but finally ordered Schofield to take com- 
mand (December 9), and then, quickly repenting of it, 
suspended the order before it was issued.^ But, grow- 
ing more impatient, December 13, he ordered Logan 
West to take command at Nashville, and then question- 
ing the wisdom of this too (as well he might), on Decem- 
ber 14, he hastened himself to Washington en route to 
Nashville. But that very day a general thaw set in at 
Nashville, with evidence at sundown of an early break- 
up. Thomas at once issued his orders for attack on 
Thursday (December 15) at early dawn — the very day 
Grant arrived at Washington and Logan started for 
Louisville — and before nightfall of the same eventful 
day he had struck Hood a tremendous, if not fatal blow. 

His plan of battle was simple, yet well matured, and 
will well bear consideration. The future historian, judg- 
ing it by its rich results, will pronounce it superb. As 
I have said, the right of his line rested on the Cumber- 
land, covered by gunboats, and extended thence in or- 
der as follows: Sixteenth Army Corps, Brevet Major 
General A. J. Smith commanding; Fourth Army Corps, 
Brigadier General Wood commanding; Twenty-third 
Army Corps, Major General Schofield commanding; 
and a provisional organization of white and colored 
troops. Major General vSteedman commanding; thus 

^JVar Records, vol. xlv, pp. 70, 97, 143, etc.; Grant's Memoirs, vol. ii, pp. 380, 382, etc. 
^IVar Records, vol. xlv, part ii, pp. 114, 115. 
*Ibid., vol. xlv, part ii, pp. 114-116. 

92 



George H. Thomas 

around to the Cumberland again — his left also covered 
by gunboats.^ His plan was to demonstrate boldly on 
our left, where the enemy was strongest; while he in re- 
ality massed everything on the right, where the enemy 
was actually weakest, and thus with the gunboats cover- 
ing to overwhelm Hood's left, mash in his line, and roll it 
back on the center, and, having thus got well upon his 
flank and rear, to crush his center too, if possible, as the 
result of his first day's work. This having been done, the 
job assigned for the second day was to smash Hood's 
right, and then either to envelop him with our victori- 
ous wings, or, at all events, to bruise and hammer him 
so roundly, that he would be glad to pull up stakes and 
hasten back to the Tennessee. 

In pursuance of this plan, then, A. J. Smith was or- 
dered to advance at daylight, December 15, his right 
covered by Wilson's cavalry, the gunboats also cooper- 
ating as required. Wood was ordered to leave only a 
heavy curtain of skirmishers in front of his works, to 
mass everything else compactly on Smith's left, and thus 
to hold himself in readiness to support Smith's attack, 
at a moment's notice. Schofield received like orders, 
but to mass instead on Wood's left, and to hold himself 
rather in reserve. Steedman, in addition to holding our 
extreme left, was also placed in charge of our inner line 
of works, with a force composed of the garrison proper 
of Nashville, Brigadier General Miller commanding; a 
provisional division of white and colored troops. Briga- 
dier General Cruft commanding; and the Military Or- 
ganization of the Quartermaster's Department, Brevet. 
Brigadier General Donaldson commanding (with my- 
self as adjutant general and chief of staff ).2 

In accordance with his orders, before dawn Steedman 

^JVar Records, vol. xlv, part ii, p. 183. 

»/3/</., vol. Ixxii, part i, Supplement, pp. 635, 688. 

93 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



on our left developed a lieavy line of skirmishers, con- 
sisting principally of excenent colored troops; and soon 
after daylight he pushed his line up to and across the 
Murfreesboro Pike. The enemy's pickets resisted 
stoutly ; but presently fell back. Steedman pursued, until 
he came plump up against a Confederate battery, 
planted beyond a deep rocky cut of the Chattanooga 
Railroad — too long for his line to flank and impossible 
for it to cross. Not knowing this at first, his men eagerly 
charged the battery, and would probably have carried it, 
had not the deep cut aforesaid prevented them from reach- 
ing it. As it was, they fell back with considerable loss ; but 
their attack had been so eager and vehement, that Hood 
was misled to believe that our whole army was there in 
force for our main attack, and proceeded to weaken his left 
accordingly, in order to reinforce his endangered right, 
as he supposed. 

A fatal mistake, as he soon learned to his grievous 
cost. For, almost immediately, Thomas opened in full 
blast on our right ; A. J. Smith, supported by Wood and 
covered by Wilson's cavalry, swept forward like an ava- 
lanche on Hood's enfeebled left; and almost before 
Hood knew we were advancing, we were upon him and 
over him, were crushing his line, storming his batteries, 
and flanking his positions. And in a trice, so to speak, his 
whole left wing was hopelessly doubled up and gone 
forever. 

This let our cavalry loose; and now Wilson swept 
around and past our right like a thunderbolt. One di- 
vision, under General Johnson, he sent down the Cum- 
berland to look after the Confederate General Chal- 
mers, and a battery there, w^hich was duly taken; with 
the other two, Croxton's and Hatch's, he covered 
Smith's right and hung like an avenging cloud on the 
flank and rear of the Confederates, as they fell sullenly 

04 



George H. Thomas 

back on their center. Our infantry, indeed, here struck 
the Confederate left Uke a battering ram, while our 
cavalry turned and enveloped their extreme left, and 
threshed it as with a flail. 

Hood now saw his mistake of the early morning, and 
from the heights about Nashville his long lines of in- 
fantry and artillery could be distinctly seen in the dis- 
tance, hurrying over from his right to support his im- 
periled center. His position was still a strong one, 
stretching along the wooded sides and crests of a series 
of high hills, covered with breastworks, fringed with 
rifle pits and abattis, and bristling with cannon that 
swept all the sides and ravines; and Hood now bent all 
his energies to hold it to the last. 

A. J. Smith, though brave as a lion, was too good a 
soldier to butt his brains out against such a position; 
and so he halted to reconnoiter and report. As the re- 
sult of his observations, Wood was brought well up on 
Smith's left, and Schofield, who had hitherto been 
chafing in reserve, was moved out and swung around on 
Smith's right ; while Wilson was pushed out still farther 
to the right, so as to outflank and gain the rear of 
Hood's new position, if he found it practicable. Hood's 
line was now thoroughly felt, by both artillery and in- 
fantry, from point to point, and though there were some 
successes here and there, yet Hood held his ground so 
stubbornly, that little was efifected until just at night- 
fall, when Wood charged a battery that had been shell- 
ing his line much of the afternoon, and carried it with a 
rush in the handsomest style. 

This closed our operations on the first day, and our 
troops bivouacked on the field thus so manfully won. Six- 
teen pieces of artillery and about two thousand prisoners 
were the fruits of this first day's work. Then Thomas rode 
home to his Nashville headquarters at dark, to tele- 
'^ 95 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

graph to Washington an(M}rant that his movement had 
begun. 

As he left the place he had occupied most of the day, 
he remarked to a staff officer: 

*'So far, I think we have done pretty well. Unless 
Hood decamps to-night, to-morrow Steedman will 
double up his right, Wood will hold his center. Smith and 
Schofield will again strike his left ; while the cavalry work 
away at his rear." 

His words had the prescience of a prophecy ; for nearly 
this exact movement took place next day. Under cover 
of the night Hood drew back his right center and right, 
so as to straighten the new line he had been forced to 
assume, and on the morning of December i6 was found 
in position along the Overton Hills, some two miles or 
so to the rear of his original line. 

It will be noticed, that Hood had thus shortened his 
line, by drawing in and concentrating his forces. He 
now planted himself squarely across the Granny White 
and Franklin Pikes to cover his trains, that were already 
fast hurrying to the rear. All his strong lines of works 
nearer Nashville, upon which he had bestowed a vast 
deal of labor and care, were thus wholly abandoned, be- 
cause obviously untenable after the thorough smashing 
and turning of his left on Thursday (December 15), and 
it was soon evident to all, that his present stand was now 
only in desperation. 

Indeed, everybody now felt that Hood was in fact al- 
ready well whipped; and that, if let alone, he would of 
his own accord soon depart whence he came. But 
Thomas, sturdy old hero, had not the least idea of let- 
ting him alone! He had given ^'old Pap" too much 
trouble! And so, with the break of day, our skirmish- 
ers were up to and over and through Hood's old works. 
Thence our lines swept easily and steadily forward, on 

96 



George H. Thomas 

our center and left; until a thick curtain of Confederate 
skirmishers and the opening of their artillery warned us 
to halt and consider. Hood's new position, when re- 
connoitered, proved to be one of much strength, as al- 
ready indicated, and had been selected and well forti- 
fied by him days before, in wary anticipation of all pos- 
sible contingencies. For Hood was no fool, as proved 
by his fine record at Gettysburg and elsewhere. 

His Hne on Thursday had been originally over six 
miles long; until his left was doubled up, or rather bat- 
tered in, when it was reduced to about four. But here, 
on Friday, he occupied a line scarcely three miles in 
length, running along the wooded crests of closely con- 
necting hills; and which even a better commander than 
Hood might well have regarded with complacency. 

The two keys to his position were commanding eleva- 
tions directly on and covering the Granny White and 
Franklin Pikes — two splendid roads leading to Frank- 
lin, Columbia, Pulaski, and so down the country to the 
Tennessee and Alabama. Both of these hills were ad- 
mirably adapted for defense, as w^ell by nature as by 
Hood's industrious axes and shovels. Here now the 
Confederates stood grimly at bay prepared to deliver 
a final battle, that was to decide for that war the fate of 
Tennessee and perhaps also of Kentucky. 

If successful here, Hood could retire at his leisure, 
his trains intact, sweeping the country as he marched; 
or, for that matter, if he chose, could return to Nash- 
ville and try another bout wdth "the chuckle-headed 
Thomas" (as a Confederate general dubbed him, be- 
cause of his obstinate fighting at Chickamauga) ; or, pos- 
sibly, he might cross the Cumberland and make a dash 
at Louisville, and push the war back to the Ohio. On 
the other hand, if unsuccessful, his trains were menaced, 
his army endangered, Tennessee in effect lost; and a 

97 • 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

rapid retreat down the couj^y and across the Tennessee 
into Alabama, with Thomas whacking and thundering 
at his heels, his only alternative. 

A more prudent commander would have thought 
twice and hesitated long, before accepting such perilous 
chances. But Hood never was a prudent commander, 
although a gallant soldier, and Thomas now was only 
too glad to grapple with such an audacious adversary. 

Accordingly, as indicated the night before, Thomas 
now at once pushed forward his left; and as Steedman 
advanced he found the Murfreesboro and Nolensville 
Pikes, as had been expected, comparatively free of the 
enemy. A few cavalrymen disputed his advance, here 
and there; but their resistance was feeble and practically 
amounted to nothing. As he came up to the Overton 
Hills, however, and stretched across to connect with 
Wood, the enemy opened on him with an advanced bat- 
tery; and, in pursviance of his instructions, Steedman 
halted now and awaited orders. 

Wood meanw^hile had come up early on the Franklin 
Pike, and was now engaged in shelling the enemy's lines 
on Overton Knob; though meaning only to hold him in 
position there. Both he and Steedman, as yet, were 
acting only as foils ; and they were both directed now to 
await the further development of movements off on the 
right. There, massed on or about the Granny White 
Pike and extending well to the right of it, were A. J. 
Smith and Schofield, with the Sixteenth and Twenty- 
third Corps, with Croxton and Hatch of Wilson's cav- 
alry eagerly cooperating, feeling briskly all points of the 
enemy's position there; but unable as yet to discover the 
vulnerable point they desired. 

The day thus wore on apace. Noon came, with but 
little valuable result, as yet. Smith and Schofield were 
both chafing, and eager to assault; confident of their 

98 



George H. Thomas 

ability to carry the opposing hnes. But Thomas, as 
yet, refused his consent. He was not yet fully ready. 
He had sent the cavalry well around to our right, to gain 
Hood's flank and menace his rear; and he was still wait- 
ing to hear from them, before he launched at Hood's 
head these twin thunderbolts of war.^ 

Now, however, well on to four o'clock in the afternoon, 
news from our cavalry came suddenly, in a prolonged fire 
of carbines and rifles, that swept around Hood's left and 
crept up along his rear. Then the hour had struck and 
the time had come. 

''Now tell Generals Schofield and Smith to advance," 
was Thomas's quiet order. 

Away sped his aids, spurring like the wind. But be- 
fore the order could reach either Smith or Schofield, 
they had both already caught the meaning of the fierce 
fire along the Confederate flank and rear; and, without 
waiting to hear from their imperturbable old chief, they 
both ordered a general assault; and, simultaneously, 
with leveled bayonets and ringing cheers, their lines 
swept superbly forward, up to and over and around the 
Confederate works; while Wood and Steedman on their 
left, catching up the inspiration, pressed gallantly for- 
ward. And almost before Hood had time to think (or 
swear) our general movement struck him like a cyclone, 
and carried all before it. 

For a time, of course, there was hot work there. The 
whole Confederate line, from end to end, was ablaze with 
musketry and aroar with cannon. How those lovely 
Nashville hills did roar and quake with musketry and 
artillery, on both of those great historic days there — "a 

•The query will doubtless occur to the reader: " Where was Forrest all this time?" The 
answer is: Hood had previously scattered his cavalry, a part being sent off down the Cum- 
berland after our transports, where they accomplished little, and the rest on a raid around 
Murfreesboro, where they got well drubbed about the same time Hood was being pum- 
melled on Thursday. Thomas, it was reported, knew of Forrest's absence, before order- 
ing our attack. 

99 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

part of which I was, and ^j^f which I saw!" How the 
artillery went ''Bang! Bang! Bang!" with shot and shell! 
How the grape and canister shrieked and whizzed! How 
the bullets went "Zip! Zip!" in perfect hailstorms at 
times! 

How anybody there escaped alive seems a miracle 
now. On this second day, especially, the whole battle- 
field at times was like the grisly mouth of hell, agape and 
aflame with fire and smoke, and alive with thunder and 
death-dealing shots. The hills and slopes were strewn 
with the dead; the ravines and gorges crowded with the 
wounded. I saw men with their heads or limbs shot off; 
others with their bodies blown to pieces — only their 
Hmbs left. I rode by a tree on the Overton Knobs, be- 
hind which a Confederate had dodged for safety, and a 
Union shell had gone clear through both tree and sol- 
dier, and exploded among his comrades. 

The actual conflict did not last long. In an hour or 
so it was mainly over, and what was left of the Con- 
federates were in full retreat down the Franklin and 
Granny White Pikes, and so away for Dixie. Some few 
stood their ground bravely and fought desperately to 
the last, imtil killed or captured. But many abandoned 
their muskets, where they rested between the logs of 
their breastworks, and others threw muskets, knap- 
sacks, blankets, everything aside that would impede 
their locomotion, as they fled wildly and panic-stricken 
away from the battlefield — ''for Dixie's land, away, 
away!" 

Said a captured Confederate brigadier general to me 
that evening, in speaking of this final Union charge and 
Confederate rout: 

"Why, sir, it was the most wonderful thing I ever wit- 
nessed. I saw your men coming and held my fire — a 
full brigade, too — until they were in close range, we 

lOO 



George H. Thomas 

could almost see the 'whites of their eyes,' and then 
poured my volley right into their faces. I supposed, of 
course, when the smoke lifted, your Une would be 
broken and your men gone. But, it is surprising, sir, 
it never even staggered them. Why, they did not even 
'double-quick' or 'rush,' but right along, as cool as fate, 
your line swung up the hill, and your men marched right 
up to and over my works and around my brigade, before 
we knew they were upon us. It was astonishing, sir, 
such fighting. If I must say it, it was really splendid!" 

I thanked him for this hearty tribute to Yankee pluck 
and heroism, and proffered him some friendly cigars and 
my pocket-flask, both of which he accepted; and so we 
parted, he for the provost marshal's, and I for my com- 
mand. Two other Confederate brigadiers, en route from 
the front to the rear as prisoners, dined with our mess 
that night on the field. We found them penniless, our 
boys having "gone through" them when captured, as 
usual on both sides. We tendered them loans, which 
they gratefully accepted; and, subsequently, when the 
war was over, they both repaid the money duly. Of 
course, after all, they were yet American soldiers and 
gentlemen. 

But to return to the battle. As I have already indi- 
cated. General Hood's whole army, once so exultant and 
defiant, was now and here thus thoroughly routed. 
Over three thousand prisoners, including one major 
general, three brigadier generals, and over two hun- 
dred other officers, here threw down their arms, in ad- 
dition to the killed and wounded. The day's work pro- 
duced besides some forty pieces of artillery, many battle 
flags, and small arms almost innumerable. The total 
results of both days' battles footed up as follows: about 
five thousand prisoners, including one major general, 
four brigadier generals, nearly three hundred other of- 

lOI 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ficers, one headquarter w^on train, fifty-six pieces of 
artillery, many battle flags, killed and wounded by the 
thousands, and small arms and ammunition by the field- 
ful nearly. 

Night did not close the conflict; but all night long of 
that second day and the next day and the next, for near- 
ly two weeks, though it rained heavily and the roads 
became execrable, Thomas went hacking and whacking 
away at Hood's army with both cavalry and infantry 
(his fresh horses stood him in good stead now), as it re- 
treated pell-mell through Tennessee into Alabama; and 
substantially wiped it out and destroyed it^ — just as 
McClellan and Meade should have done with Lee's army 
after Antietam and Gettysburg, had they been built on 
the plan of George H. Thomas. For all military pur- 
poses. Hood's army was practically extinguished, and 
never figured as a fighting force seriously again during 
the war. It would have been completely eHminated, if 
not captured, had not Thomas's main pontoon train got 
on the wrong road, through a misunderstanding of his 
orders, and so reached Duck River twenty-four hours 
too late. Hood had destroyed the bridges there, and 
Thomas could not cross in pursuit, until his pontoons 
came up. 

Indeed, Nashville was the cleanest and completest 
campaign and battle of our great Civil War on either 
side, as I think all military critics are now agreed, and it 
stamped Thomas henceforth as a really great com- 
mander. He had worked it all out like a problem in 
mathematics, and executed it like a fine piece of engi- 
neering; and Nashville is studied to-day as a model at 
West Point and Woolwich, at St. Cyr and Berlin. 

His total operations against Hood, during November 
and December, including Franklin, Nashville, etc., re- 

■■H UILJ ■■ ■ II LJI.- I .-- I I ■ ^ '— 

J See Appendix, pp. 373, 377, 

102 



George H. Thomas 

suited in thirteen thousand one hundred and eighty-nine 
prisoners of war, including seven general officers and 
nearly one thousand other officers of all grades, exclu- 
sive of killed and wounded, seventy-two pieces of serv- 
iceable artillery, and battle flags and small arms almost 
beyond mention. During the same period he received 
over two thousand Confederate deserters. Our own 
loss in killed, wounded, and missing, did not exceed 
ten thousand.^ 

Poor Hood! He was really an able and gallant sol- 
dier; and his army was incomparable — the same sub- 
stantially that was pitted against Sherman all summer. 
But he ought to have known better than to butt his 
brains out against 'The Rock of Chickamauga." It 
was like the whiffet against the mastiff, or the panther 
against the lion, or the tiger against the elephant. 
But I doubt if there was a single Confederate general, 
not excepting Longstreet and Joe Johnston, but per- 
haps excepting Robert E. Lee, who would have suc^- 
ceeded much better against glorious George H. 
Thomas. 

Of course. General Logan halted at Louisville, when 
on his arrival there, on the morning of December 17, he 
got the news of Thomas's great battle; and, gifted emi- 
nently with common sense (as he certainly was), he re- 
turned quietly to Washington. Logan has been called 
"generous" and "magnanimous" for doing this, instead 
of proceeding on to Nashville and assuming command 
there; but, of course, he could do nothing else. Had 
he gone on to Nashville, President Lincoln would have 
quickly recalled him, and history would never have for- 
given him — would have hooted him down the ages — for 
attempting to take the command from Thomas in the 
hour of his signal victories. Besides, Grant wired him 

} War Records^ vol. xlv, part ii, p. 46, 
103 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

to come back; and moreov^ his original orders were to 
do nothing, '*if Thomas had moved."^ 

As it was, Stanton hastened to telegraph Thomas his 
hearty congratulations, and ordered a salute of one hun- 
dred guns by all our armies. Grant did the same, but 
ordered two hundred shotted guns instead; and they 
were fired with a will all up and down our lines in front of 
Petersburg, amidst the music of our bands and the hur- 
rahs of our rejoicing soldiers. And Meade and Sheridan 
did the same.^ But Sherman was a little in laches here. 
It is true, in his Memoirs (Vol. II, page 219) he says, that 
"upon receiving official information of the victory" he, 
through his chief of stafT, General Webster, ''wrote 
Thomas congratulating him in the highest terms ;" but the 
letter in question hardly bears this out. However, he said 
"Thomas gave Hood a good whaling," and in a special 
field order declared it to be "an achievement that entitles it 
to a place in the military history of the world."^ 
' Congress also gave him a vote of thanks, and Mr. Lin- 
coln shortly afterward promoted him Major General 
U. S. A. (December 24 — a Christmas gift!)* Of 
course, this was some solace and satisfaction to Thomas. 
But I think he never quite forgave Grant for sending Lo- 
gan to relieve him, when he was doing his whole duty at 
Navshville. 

While modest and unassuming beyond most men, 
Thomas was also conscious of his own great qualities, and 
knew that as a commander he was head and shoulders 
above Logan, or any other volunteer officer. So, when his 
commission as Major General U. S. A. reached him, while 
in pursuit of Hood, according to an officer present, he cast 
it aside in his tent with the remark : "I earned that a year 
ago at Chattanooga;" alluding to Sherman's promotion 

» JVar Recorrfs.\o\. xlv, part ii, pp. 230-264 ; also. Grant's Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 382, 383. 

' Sf-e Apnendix, p. 371; also pp. 372-375. 

8 War Records, vol. xliv, pp. 788 and 17. * See Appendix, pp. i7t'i 377- 

104 



George H. Thomas 

there over his head, which he never quite forgave either. 
I saw much of General Thomas during all this Nashville 
campaign and afterward ( 1865-66). He was an upright 
Christian gentleman, as well as great soldier. And a purer 
patriot, or nobler officer, or worthier American, this re- 
public has not yet produced, since the days of George 
Washington.^ 

Perhaps I may add, without immodesty, Nashville made 
me a full colonel (thanks to General Thomas and Andrew 
Johnson), though my commission did not reach me until 
May following. ''But that is another story," as Kipling 
would say ! 

* See Appendix, p. 371. 
105 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER VIII 
William Tecumseh Sherman 

My next commander was General Sherman ; or, rather, 
I also served under him while serving with Thomas — the 
one commanding the other. 

I first met Sherman personally not long after our 
momentous victory at Chattanooga (November 25, 
1863), when he came up to Nashville to discuss and settle 
the great campaign of 1864 with General Grant. Later 
(March, 1864) Grant became commander In chief of all 
our armies and went to Washington, and Sherman became 
his successor in the Military Division of the Mississippi, 
embracing all of the United States from the Alleghanies 
to the Rocky Mountains. 

General Sherman was then in the prime of life — a tall, 
brisk, wiry man ; with dark reddish hair, inclining to bald- 
ness ; sharp blue eyes, kindly as a rule, but cold and hard 
as steel sometimes; an aggressive, fighting nose and 
mouth ; considerable of a jaw ; and a face a mass of wrin- 
kles. I have his photograph still, taken at his headquar- 
ters in the spring of 1864, which is so full of wrinkles he 
ordered it suppressed. But I begged it of his photogra- 
pher and preserved it, because so faithful and lifelike, and 
present an engraving of it. 

Habitually he wore a Western slouch hat, with a simple 
gold cord around it, and a rusty blue uniform indicative 
of his rank (Major General U. S. A.) ; but with his coat 
open and the lapels buttoned back. Indeed, this was the 
first thing that struck me on meeting both Grant and Sher- 
man; they hardly ever wore their coats buttoned up to the 
throat; whereas our Eastern generals (McClellan, Hook- 

106 











'^^\ 






1i«:w^l' 






^^L t 






^" 


^ 



Gen. Sherman, J 864, 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

er, Meade, etc.) hardly ever wore theirs otherwise. In 
campaigning he usually wore only a simple blouse, but 
with his proper shoulder straps, of course. Like Hooker, 
he was noted for his high shirt collars, and also like him, 
was distinguished for his "gamey" qualities at all times 
and everywhere. He impressed you at once as a keen, 
wide-awake man of affairs, with a mind and will of his 
own ; bookish, but greater than his books ; a master of his 
profession ; alert, decided, far-sighted ; knowing well what 
was needed, and resolute to do it, and also resolved every- 
body about and under him should know and do the same. 
I think he had absolutely no patience with incompetence 
or imbecility, and a harder man for a humbug to impose 
upon or a coward to deceive never breathed. 

Like all our great commanders on both sides, of course, 
he was a West Pointer, ex necessitate; for education tells 
everywhere, but nowhere more than in *'War Days." 
Bravery — mere brute courage — is not an uncommon qual- 
ity among men. SaidGeneralSir Henry Havelock:"Inmy 
experience, in any British regiment there are always a 
hundred men who would storm the gates of hell; eight 
hundred who, if they did, would follow in ; one hundred 
who want to skulk in the ditches; and about thirty who 
do skulk there or elsewhere.*' But military brains — a 
natural aptitude for arms and the best culture West Point 
can give him — that is what an army commander needs, and 
Sherman was w^ell dowered in that way. He was a native 
of Ohio, and came from good parentage there. Like all 
(or nearly all) who rose to prominence during the civil 
war, on both sides, he served in the Mexican War, but 
only in California, where he distinguished himself as a 
quartermaster and commissary merely, there being no 
fighting worth mentioning there. 

Afterward he resigned from the army, and failed as a 
banker in San Francisco and as a lawyer at Leavenworth 

107 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

— evidently having few gif^that way. When Sumter 
was fired upon (April, 1861) he was superintendent of a 
State Military Academy down in Louisiana, on a comfort- 
able salary, but promptly resigned, with the frank and 
manly declaration : 

"On no earthly account will I do any act or think any 
thought hostile to or in defiance of the old Government of 
the United States."^ 

Aided by his great brother, Hon. John Sherman, then 
and long afterward United States Senator from Ohio 
(also Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State), 
he was early appointed Colonel of the Thirteenth United 
States Infantry (he had been previously offered the ''chief 
clerkship" of the War Department!), 2 and served with 
credit at our first Bull Run, July 21, 1861, commanding a 
brigade there. Soon afterward he was appointed brig- 
adier general of volunteers, and ordered to Kentucky, 
August 24, 1 86 1, and here took such large views of the 
rebellion, and of the force required to subdue it in the 
West, that the then Secretary of War (Cameron) thought 
him "insane," and relieved him of his command.^ His 
estimate was that we needed two hundred thousand men 
to conquer and hold the Southwest ; but subsequently, in 
1864, he himself commanded over three hundred and fifty 
thousand men there. 

However, events soon convinced the government of his 
thorough sanity; and April 6, 1862, found him at Shiloh 
or Pittsburg Landing, under Grant, in command of our 
advance division there. Here he suffered severely (I 
think was really surprised, though he w^ould never admit 
that, technically) ; but fought gallantly and skillfully, and 
on the whole did much to retrieve our hard fortunes there. 
Next he campaigned with Grant down the Mississippi and 

' See Appendix, p. 380. * Sherman's Memoirs^ vol. I, p. 170. 

•Sherman's Memoirs^ vol. i, pp. 214. ->Tfi, 217. 

108 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

around Vicksburg ( 1862-63), and though not always suc- 
cessful, yet he won and deserved the full trust and confi- 
dence of that incomparable soldier. It is not true, that he 
"protested" against Grant's final campaign against Vicks- 
burg. It is true he criticised it, and submitted his 
criticism, as he himself told me. But he also pledged his 
hearty and loyal support, and gave it unreservedly. 

When, after the disastrous field of Chickamauga, Grant 
was summoned to Chattanooga — to take chief command 
there and smash Bragg, if possible — Sherman was at Mem- 
phis, but on orders from Grant gathered up all his Army of 
the Tennessee that could be spared, and hastened overland 
to Chattanooga by way of Eastport and Huntsville. He 
took the railroad, as far as it went, absorbing all its cars 
and locomotives, and then proceeded by forced marches 
eastward, at times mounting part of his men on horses and 
mules — did everything to speed his column to Chatta- 
nooga — arriving there in advance of the time anticipated, 
much to the delight of General Grant. It was such loyalty 
and devotion as this, without an atom of envy or jealousy, 
that endeared Sherman to the heart of his great chief, and 
it was no wonder that henceforth Grant trusted him abso- 
lutely and affectionately. Sherman well knew the value 
of time, and never wasted it — an item of prime importance 
in military affairs. 

In the great operations that soon followed at Chatta- 
nooga (November 25, 1863) Sherman commanded our 
left wing ; and crossing the Tennessee on pontoon bridges 
in the night, he attacked Bragg's right next day with vigor 
and fire. It is true he did not succeed in crushing it, as 
intended, because of the unknown and unfavorable fea- 
tures of the field there chiefly. But he attacked gallantly 
and skillfully, achieving important results; and, on the 
whole, it must be conceded, managed his part of affairs at 
Chattanooga with signal ability and credit. Immediately 

lOQ 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

— straight from the battlefield, hot from the pursuit of 
Bragg, without waiting to remrn to Chattanooga for their 
blankets and overcoats even, though cold and inclement 
w^eather had set in — his column set out for the relief of 
Knoxville, and by forced marches reached there just in 
time to save Burnside from Longstreet. Gordon Granger 
was ordered there first, because freshest and nearest to the 
line of march. But he was so slow in getting off, and 
grumbled so much, that Grant relieved him, and ordered 
Sherman instead '*to assume command of all the forces 
now moving up the Tennessee ;" and so saved the day 
at Knoxville. This was a piece of loyal and brilliant serv- 
ice that thrilled the country through and through at the 
time, and was never forgotten by President Lincoln ; for 
Union-loving East Tennessee, w^ith its "plain people," was 
always near and dear to his patriotic heart. 

Said Sherman in his official report : *'Of course, we had 
no provisions save w^iat we gathered by the road, and were 
ill supplied for such a march. But we learned that twelve 
thousand of our fellow-soldiers were beleaguered in the 
mountain town of Knoxville, eighty- four miles distant; 
that they needed relief, and must have it in three days. 
This was enough — and it had to be done." How just like 
Sherman this reads now ! 

When Grant was ordered East to assume command of 
all our armies (March 3, 1864), doubtless he found it 
difficult to choose his successor in the West, as he well 
knew the great merits of both Sherman and Thomas. But 
as he knew Sherman better, had "summered and win- 
tered" with him at Vicksburg and elsewhere, had seen his 
very heart and soul, indeed, and felt he could trust him all 
through, whatever happened, naturally he selected Sher- 
man. It is certain Thomas did not like this, was much 
aggrieved thereby; as he then outranked Sherman, and 
commanded the Army of the Cumberland, a larger and 

no 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

more important command than Sherman's Army of the 
Tennessee. But he loyally "obeyed orders," nevertheless, 
and continued on in the service, the same sturdy patriot 
and gallant soldier as before (a good example for the 
Methodist preacher, v^ho thinks he ought to be stationed 
at Jerusalem, but gets set down at Jericho instead). 

Now came the great and memorable spring of 1864, 
with Grant commanding in the East and Sherman in the 
West ; both resolved on victory, and believing they could 
achieve it. They had agreed to time their operations so 
as to give the Confederates no chance to reinforce any- 
where. I heard Sherman myself say to the senior and su- 
pervising quartermaster at Nashville (General Donaldson) 
the day he left there for Chattanooga (about April 28) : 

*T am going to move on Joe Johnston the day General 
Grant telegraphs me he is going to hit Bobby Lee ; and if 
you don't have my army supplied, and keep it supplied, 
we'll eat your mules up, sir — eat your mules up !'* 

Fortunately, he was not reduced to such rations; but it 
well shows his loyalty and spirit. -"^ 

His Atlanta campaign was a series of brilliant maneu- 
vers and skillful battles that, I venture to say, alone will 
enroll him among the great masters of the military art 
forever. It was his first really independent command, 
and he conducted it magnificently. His strategy, it must 
be admitted, on the whole was faultless, and his tactics 
superb. It is true he outnumbered Johnston — his movable 
column averaged about ninety thousand, against John- 
ston's fifty thousand to seventy-five thousand ; but then he 
was on the offensive and in the heart of the enemy's coun- 
try, groping his way over rocky mountains and through 
wooded valleys, and with his army widely dispersed, while 
Johnston was on the defensive, at home, concentrated and 

* He said the same afterward in substance. "If the worst came to the worst, we couW 
live several months on the mules and horses of our trains." Sherman's Memoirs, vol. li. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

largely fortified — a big and^ighty difference in warfare. 
It is true, he did no heavy and serious fighting, except at 
Kenesaw Mountain and Peach Tree Creek ; but that v^as 
because he believed in flanking more than battles, as Alex- 
ander, Napoleon, and every great commander alv^ays has. 
It is certain he never doubted his ability to take Atlanta ; 
and all the cavalry raids, burning of railroad bridges, etc., 
in his rear never seriously disturbed him. 

It v^as my good fortune to spend a day or tv^o with him, 
on his lines in front of Atlanta, in August, 1864, about a 
fortnight before Atlanta fell ; and he was then as ''cool as 
a cucumber," notwithstanding the nervousness and appre- 
hension prevailing throughout the North. He said he 
was only waiting, patiently as he could, for the extension 
and completion of his lines ; and in due time "Atlanta will 
fall into our hands like a ripe apple." He sent his chief of 
artillery (General Barry, an old Army of the Potomac 
friend of mine) to show me his siege guns and batteries. 
We rode along the line amidst a perfect sprinkle of shells 
and bullets, at times. At one point, a mile or so from 
Atlanta, and about the same distance from Sherman's 
headquarters, a Confederate shell exploded in one of our 
batteries, literally knocking the right arm off an artillery- 
man near us — mortally wounding him, of course, 
and disabling several others. Our battery gallantly re- 
plied. The sharpshooters on each side from the rifle pits 
joined in the music. Soon the Confederate fire grew so 
warm — shells exploding at point-blank range, and Minie 
balls whizzing and buzzing about us like bees — that Barry 
suggested we had no business there, as we "were only 
sightseers !" and, therefore, would get no credit if we got 
killed or wounded ! Had we been "on duty" or "under 
orders," of course we would have seen it out. So we 
retired presently through a ravine, and inspected another 
battery beyond the enemy's fire, from which we ourselves 

112 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

trained and sighted one of our largest siege guns, and sent 
our compliments into Atlanta in the shape of a Union shell. 
With a glass I could see it explode, and the people in the 
streets there scatter and run — which was as near as I got 
to the Confederate stronghold itself. 

Returning to Sherman's headquarters, I accepted his 
invitation to dinner, which consisted chiefly of hardtack, 
bacon, sweet potatoes, and black coffee, served on a rough 
board table, evidently the recent handiwork of some camp 
carpenter, from a United States clothing box. For chairs 
we had rickety camp stools and United States cracker 
boxes. His headquarters consisted of tent-flies for him- 
self and staff, and one or two wall tents for offices. His 
uniform was a gray flannel shirt, an old blue blouse, faded 
and weather-stained, and a pair of military trousers that 
apparently had done duty from Chattanooga down, if not 
much before. We spent but little time at dinner ; as there 
was not much to eat, and he was too occupied and busy. 

Retiring to his tent-fly, he produced a handful of cigars 
from somewhere, and, lighting one himself, smoked and 
talked incessantly while giving orders to officers coming 
and going, or dictating telegrams, letters, etc. With all 
his hard campaigning and awful responsibility, he was 
still bright and "chipper," alert and confident as when he 
left Nashville, if not more so. But while he talked much 
and interestingly of his past campaign, he was close as a 
mouse about the future. He was chiefly anxious about 
the state of his supplies — rations, clothing, ammunition, 
etc. — and ordered larger accumulations of these at Chat- 
tanooga and Nashville. But never a word or hint escaped 
him about Savannah, though doubtless his great march 
there was simmering in his mind, if not clear and definite. 

While there, his three great subordinates, Generals 
Thomas, Schofield, and Howard, commanding the Armies 
of the Cumberland, the Ohio, and the Tennessee, respec- 
ts 



Men and Things I Saw In Civil War Days 

tively, called and held a cons^ation with him. It was easy 
to see that he held them all in high esteem and regard, as 
they did him. They were a fine sight to see — all great and 
distinguished soldiers — but Sherman easily dominated 
them all. His keen intelligence, incisive speech, prompt 
decision, and determined will readily made him chief 
everywhere. 

Returning to Nashville, we just escaped capture by a 
division of Confederate cavalry, under Wheeler, off on a 
"raid.'' They waylaid and pursued our train all the way 
from Marietta to Dalton ; but luckily we escaped, and got 
through to Chattanooga all right — the last train through 
for nearly a fortnight. This was on Sunday, August 14, 
1864. We bade good-bye to Sherman on the evening of 
the thirteenth, and crossing the Chattahoochie ran up to 
Marietta ; and here lay by until next morning, because of 
reports of Confederate raiders. We had a train-guard of 
fifty men or so, but Sherman advised us not to travel at 
night, and to proceed cautiously. He said we might get 
through all right, but the chances were "ticklish," and we 
would be safer to stop with him, until Wheeler was heard 
from more definitely. However, as our business with 
Sherman was over and we had been absent from Nashville 
longer than we anticipated, and knew we were needed 
there, we decided to start and push through, if possible. 

Accordingly, after halting at Marietta Saturday night, 
we left there early Sunday morning, and ran cautiously 
along, feeling our way from station to station, until an 
hour or so after sunrise, when we discovered the track 
ahead of us on fire and the rails torn up. Of course, we 
slowed down and reconnoitered things carefully, and then 
moved cautiously ahead ; when we found that a squad of 
Confederates had left there but a few minutes before. 
They had dashed in, cut the telegraph wire, tore up the 
railroad track, piled fence rails on it, and set the whole on 

114 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

fire ; and then quickly decamped. We were told there was 
a regiment of them, with two pieces of artillery, a mile or 
two away, moving north; that they had already ''gobbled 
up" a herd of two thousand cattle en route to the front, 
and were now after the railroad, and would be only too 
happy to "gobble" us also. This was not a very encour- 
aging prospect for Sunday morning. We would have 
preferred being somewhere North, within the sound of 
any kind of ''church-going bells" instead. 

However, with some railroad men and tools we had 
along with us, we roughly repaired the road in an hour or 
so, and then ran slowly on for two or three miles farther, 
when again we found the rails torn up and the track all 
ablaze. The fence rails were piled up here prodigiously, 
for a hundred yards or so. But we had come upon the 
rascals so suddenly that they had only time to set fire to a 
portion, when they had to cut and run ; and we saw them 
in the distance galloping "over the hills and far away.'* 
When we got the flames extinguished here and the fence 
rails removed, we found two of the iron rails gone, and of 
course could not proceed without these. The Johnnies 
had taken them up and hidden them, so as to make our 
delay and consequent capture sure. Hunting around, we 
found one of the rails secreted in a cornfield near by, but 
could not discover the other, and had to send a part of our 
men a mile back down the road till they found a spare rail 
and brought it forward. 

By this time — along toward noon now — the chase be- 
gan to be exciting. MacCallum^ thought it was all up 
with us ; but I bore it as philosophically as I could, resolved 
to see the thing out anyhow. The day was intensely hot, 
and we had put on light clothing In the morning ; but we 
now removed this, and put on our heaviest woolen cloth- 



» Gen. MacCallum. General Superintendent U. S. Military Railroads, Washington, 
D, C, my companion. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ing, so as to be better prepared for ''roughing it," if 
captured; and also concealM our watches, money, etc. 
Our train-guard was well commanded by a plucky lieuten- 
ant, and we determined to fight it out, if attacked, if the 
Johnnies did not outnumber us too largely. 

Having repaired the road again, we passed slowly on, 
hearing of small parties of Confederates near every station 
nearly; but were unmolested by any, until we reached 
Dalton about five o'clock in the afternoon. As we ran into 
the station there we saw the women and children scurry- 
ing about the streets, and the ''contrabands" gathered in 
groups, and evidently greatly excited. The garrison, half 
a thousand strong, were marching up the hill and into 
their earthworks, and an unknown colonel on horseback 
(their commandant) hailed us and wanted to know where 
we came from. Suddenly, before we could reply, a shower 
of bullets came w^hizzing about the station, and another 
officer rode frantically up and reported that the head of 
Wheeler's cavalry had just struck Dalton and summoned 
it to surrender. 

MacCallum and I "did not see it" just in that light. We 
held a brief "council of war," and decided Dalton was not 
a desirable place to halt in. We found the telegraph and 
railroad still working through to Chattanooga (thirty- 
eight miles distant), and we told the Dalton commandant 
to hold out, and we would rush into Chattanooga and send 
him back reinforcements. MacCallum himself, an old 
railroad man and a brave and determined officer, jumped 
upon the engine, and, getting up all possible steam, we 
thundered into Chattanooga at the rate of forty miles an 
hour, and soon had two thousand men and a battery of 
artillery on their way back to Dalton, where they arrived 
in time to repulse Wheeler and send his column flying. 

Altogether it was rather an exciting Sunday, and I did 
not care to be quite so near being "gobbled" by the John- 

ii6 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

nies again during the war. At Chattanooga they had us 
reported as captured sure, and a mile or two of track torn 
up, bridges burned, etc. ; and I found a very alarming tele- 
gram from Nashville inquiring anxiously about us. The 
same night I sent a full report by telegraph, which was 
duly forwarded to Washington as the latest and most 
authentic news from Sherman and Atlanta, and gave 
much satisfaction there, comforting the hearts of both 
Stanton and Lincoln. 

The next day we ran up to Nashville, and got through 
safely. The same day, or the next, Wheeler swept around 
Chattanooga, and crossing the Tennessee struck the rail- 
road and broke it up so thoroughly that our train was the 
last one through, as I have said, for a fortnight or there- 
abouts. 

This did not disconcert General Sherman, however, or 
tempt him to raise the siege of Atlanta. He had saga- 
ciously foreseen all such ''raids" before moving out from 
Chattanooga, and provided for them. He kept ten days' 
rations constantly in his wagons, and had a railroad con- 
struction corps of two thousand men always on hand, 
ready to repair his roads and rebuild his bridges ; and days 
before his rations were exhausted his locomotives were 
again tooting across the Chattahoochie and well into his 
camps. 

And so, notwithstanding all Joe Johnston and Hood 
could do (both gallant men and able commanders), At- 
lanta was doomed. Little by little, step by step, Sherman 
closed upon it, with his remorseless grip. At last, on 
September 2, 1864, he rejoiced President Lincoln and 
thrilled the country through and through with the charac- 
teristic telegram : "Atlanta is ours, and fairly won !'* 

With the fall of Atlanta he resolved to cut loose from 
everything and march down to the sea ; and thus prove to 
the world that the Confederacy was only an eggshell after 

117 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



deci 



on Savannah or Mobile, but finally resolved on Savannah. 
Of his great march there, and capture of Savannah, and 
tender of it as a ''Christmas gift" to Mr. Lincoln, with 
two hundred and fifty cannon and thirty thousand bales 
of cotton (besides lesser booty), and his subsequent mar- 
velous march through the Carolinas — along railroads, 
across rivers, through swamps and forests — and the final 
surrender to him at Raleigh of Joe Johnston and the 
Southern Confederacy, I can only say a word or two here. 
I make bold to say that it was as gallant and scientific a 
piece of soldiering as any general ever conceived or exe- 
cuted. He reduced his army to sixty thousand men, double- 
horsed his batteries, reorganized his cavalry, put twenty 
days' rations in his wagons, took beef along ''upon the 
hoof," and then bidding good-bye to Lincoln and Grant, 
swung clear of his base at Atlanta and plunged into the 
heart of Georgia, resolved to forage upon the enemy — first 
taking the precaution, however, to study the United States 
Census Reports (shrewd soldier that he was), and thus as- 
certain the population and resources of every county he 
was to pass through. How well, how intrepidly, he did 
all this ; how skillfully he concealed his movements ; how 
gallantly he defeated all opposing forces ; how resolutely 
he overcame every obstacle ; and at last how magnificently, 
how gloriously he conquered — all this is now matter of 
history, and will constitute one of the brightest pages in 
American history for ages to come.^ 

His whole march, through the very heart of the Con- 
federacy, was over one thousand miles long — extending 
ever half a continent nearly — surpassing in many respects 
even Napoleon's great march on Moscow. Napoleon's 
ended in disaster and ruin; but no such fate befell our 
American gamecock — William Tecumseh Sherman — 

^ See Appendix, pp. 380, 381. 
118 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

though often predicted by Jefferson Davis and his friends, 
South and North. Had Lee not surrendered in advance, 
Sherman meant, of course, duly to shake hands with Grant 
in front of Petersburg, and the two together — it goes 
without saying — would unquestionably have made quick 
work of that distinguished Virginian — fine soldier as he 
was. 

After such multiplied and illustrious services ("the like 
of which is not read of in past history," as General 
Grant deliberately wrote ),^ it is no wonder Sherman 
was astounded at Mr. Stanton's reprimand for his terms 
to Johnston. Of course, Sherman erred in these, but it 
was on the side of generosity and magnanimity, as might 
have been expected of him, the war being over. Fortu- 
nately Grant, 

" Greatest captain of them all, 
Rich in saving common sense," 

was on hand to set things straight, protecting his great 
lieutenant, of course, as he was bound and sure to do. But 
Sherman never forgave Stanton, and I think history will 
excuse his just wrath and righteous indignation when he 
disdained to recognize him at our "Great Review" a few 
weeks afterward — War Secretary though he was. 

I never saw Sherman again, after parting with him in 
front of Atlanta, until September, 1866, when we met in 
Colorado, both on tours of inspection there. Then we 
joined "outfits," and campaigned together for nearly a 
month along and through the Rocky Mountains, inspect- 
ing Kit Carson and the Ute Indians, exploring the vast 
"parks" there, camping out at night by some quiet lake 
or foaming torrent, and building high our camp fires from 
the fallen pines and cedars there. He was a prodigious 
talker and smoker, and stretched upon his blankets before 
the fire, with a cigar between his teeth or fingers, often 

1 Grant's Memoirs, vol. ii, p. 589. 
119 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

talked half the night away, ^/hat great days and nights 
those were beneath the shadow or in the very heart 
of those mighty mountains ! How he discussed his great 
comrades — Grant, Thomas, McPherson, Sheridan, etc. 
— and their great campaigns and battles together, or 
Lee, Johnston, Hood, and the rest; and what a flood of 
light he poured upon them all ! Or, turning aside to other 
times, he would rattle away about Alexander, Csesar, Na- 
poleon, Cromwell, Wellington, and Washington, and their 
campaigns; and roam over the whole field of ancient and 
modern wars with keen eye and incisive tongue. Would 
we had had a stenographer there to take it all down, and a 
typewriter now to write it out ! As a rule, he was the last 
one to sleep and the first one to awake, tending camp fires 
faithfully, and seemed literally never to tire of talking and 
smoking. 

Altogether General Sherman was certainly a great and 
brilliant American, of original and striking genius, and 
made his mark deep and broad upon his times. He was 
the soul of honor, of spotless integrity, a royal friend, and 
a knightly gentleman. Clearly he was a born soldier; 
more showy than Meade or McClellan, less popular than 
Hooker or Rosecrans, not so safe, perhaps, as Thomas, 
but unquestionably a greater commander than either ; and, 
I submit, one of the greatest masters of the art of war that 
ever lived. The nation certainly owes him a debt of grat- 
itude that never can be paid. As the great companion and 
friend of Lincoln and Grant, his place in history is secure 
forever. Lincoln loved him, and Grant trusted him as 
''the other half of his own soul." And what more can I 
say? 

Having mentioned "Kit Carson" above, our great 
American explorer and Indian fighter, it may not be amiss 
to add that he and Sherman were old friends. We visited 
him at Fort Garland, Colorado, and accompanied him to 

1 20 



William Tecumseh Sherman 

a council with the Ute Indians on the head-waters of the 
Rio Grande, in San Luis Park. "Kit" was then colonel of 
a regiment of New Mexicans and brevet brigadier general 
of United States Volunteers. When the Rebellion broke 
out, and most of our United States troops were ordered 
East, "Kit" applied to President Lincoln for permission to 
raise a regiment of New Mexico Volunteers ; and he had 
done excellent service with it against the Indians. On one 
occasion he had taken nine thousand Navajoes prisoners, 
with less than six hundred of his men. At the close of the 
war he was ordered to Fort Garland and given command 
of a wide region there. 

We found him in log quarters, rough but comfortable, 
and with his New Mexican wife and half-breed children 
around him. I had expected to see a small and wiry man, 
weather-beaten and reticent; but met a medium-sized, 
rather stoutish, florid, and quite talkative person instead. 
He certainly bore the marks of exposure, but none of that 
extreme "roughing it" that I had anticipated. In age, 
he seemed to be about forty-five. His head was a remark- 
ably good one, with the organs of benevolence and reflec- 
tion well developed. His eye was mild and blue, the very 
type of good nature, while his voice was as soft and 
sympathetic as a woman's. He impressed you at once as 
a man of rare courtesy and charity, such as a brave man 
ought always to be. As simple as a child, but brave as a 
lion, he soon took our hearts by storm, and grew upon our 
regard all the while we were with him. He talked and 
smoked homemade cigarettes (folding them himself as he 
talked) far into the night each evening we were there, and 
I have no room here for a tithe of what he said. In talk- 
ing, I noticed, he frequently hesitated for the right 
English word — he had been so much among the Indians 
and Mexicans. But when speaking bastard Spanish 
(Mexican) or Indian he was as fluent as a native. Both 

121 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Spanish and Indian, however, are largely pantomime, 
which may have helped him along somewhat. The Utes 
seemed to have the greatest possible confidence in him, 
and invariably called him simply "Kit." 

''These redskins," said Sherman, ''think Kit twice as 
big a man as me. Why, his integrity is simply perfect. 
The Utes know it, and they would believe him and trust 
him any day before me !" 

Kit returned this confidence by being their steadfast and 
unswerving friend. 

The head chief of the Utes then was Ooray, who after- 
ward proved himself to be a veritable Logan or Red Jacket 
of the Rocky Mountains. He was a medium-sized, 
athletic-looking man of about forty, with as fine an eye 
and head as you will see anywhere. Moreover, he was 
neat and clean in his person, as if he believed in the saving 
virtues of soap and water — something remarkable for a 
redskin. In manner he was dignified, in speech acute and 
sagacious, and he prided himself even then on being "a 
friend to the white man." 

We spent several days and nights with Kit Carson and 
the Utes, and Sherman seemed to enjoy the time hugely, 
as a schoolboy let loose. He threw off all reserve as 
general of the Army, and entered fully into the life of the 
pioneer and Indian. He asked a thousand questions of 
everybod;^. and was never at a loss for a story or a joke, 
and added to the effect of these by the twinkle of his eye, 
the toss of his head, and the serio-comic twitch of his 
many-wrinkled features, in a way indescribable. Mean- 
while he smoked constantly, and kept up that everlasting 
long stride of his up and down the floor or ground, with 
his hands deep in his trousers pockets, as if he would never 
weary. Beyond doubt, he was a great man and original 
thinker in many ways, and deservedly has taken his place 
in the American Valhalla. 

122 




Gen, Sheridan^ i864. 



Philip H. Sheridan 



CHAPTER IX 
Philip H. Sheridan 

It was not my fortune to serve under General Sheridan, 
but I saw something of him, and came to esteem him very 
highly. He also was a West Pointer, and an Ohioan like 
Sherman; but was too young to have served in Mexico. 
He had distinguished himself, however, in our Indian 
troubles in Texas, Oregon, and Washington prior to the 
war. 

In the autumn of 1861 he was ordered East from the 
Pacific coast at his own request for active duty against the 
Rebellion. In December, 186 1 (being then captain of the 
Thirteenth United States Infantry), he reported to Gen- 
eral Halleck at St. Louis, and was assigned to duty as chief 
quartermaster and chief commissary of the Army of 
Southwest Missouri. Of course, this did not last long. 
He was too ''gamey" and mettlesome a man for such rou- 
tine staff duties, though he knew much about horses, 
mules, wagons, rations, etc., and in due time — as naturally 
as water runs or grass grows — became colonel of the Sec- 
ond Michigan Cavalry, and was ordered to the Army of 
the Tennessee (May, 1862), then before Corinth, Miss. 

Here, by changes and promotions incident to active 
service, he soon became commander of a brigade of cav- 
alry, and handled it so well that in July, 1862, he was ap- 
pointed brigadier general on the recommendation of his 
associate and superior officers, and in September, 1862, 
was transferred to the Army of the Cumberland, then 
operating in Kentucky, and assigned to an infantry divi- 
sion there. By steady drill and discipline he soon got this 
into excellent shape, and at the battle of Stone River or 

123 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Murfreesboro, Tenn. (Dece|p^)er, 1862), he fought it with 
gallantry and skill, and certainly shared with Thomas and 
Hazen the honors of that bloody field — such as they were. 
For his good conduct here he was presently and rightly 
appointed major general of volunteers. 

From Murfreesboro to Chickamauga (September, 
1863) he served ably and creditably. But at Chicka- 
mauga, in the whirl and confusion of the chaotic conflict 
there — at best a dubious battle, which just escaped being 
an awful Union defeat — he lost his head, like Rosecrans 
and others, and fell back when he ought to have advanced, 
or at least have held his ground like the sturdy Thomas. 
However, this was amply atoned for by his general good 
conduct there and elsewhere, and in the titanic conflict at 
Chattanooga (November 25, 1863) he led in the grand 
assault on Missionary Ridge, under the immediate eye of 
Thomas and Grant, and conducted his attack so skillfully 
and spiritedly — with such alacrity and celerity — that 
Grant at once marked him for his own. 

Hence, in the spring of 1864, when Grant assumed gen- 
eral charge of the Army of the Potomac, and was casting 
about for a new chief of cavalry there, his mind settled 
down on Sheridan, and ''Little Phil" was promptly or- 
dered East. He was then in East Tennessee, but he 
hastened to Washington by way of Chattanooga and 
Nashville, and while elated to go East and serve with 
Grant, was full of regret at parting with Thomas and 
Sherman — and especially with his old division. His 
officers and men spontaneously assembled at the station to 
see him off, and as his train rolled out they waved him 
farewell with every demonstration of sorrow and affec- 
tion.^ 

He was then, I think, the youngest and certainly the 
smallest major general in the service. He had just passed 

* Sheridan's Memoirs^ vol. i, p. 340. 
124 



Philip H. Sheridan 

thirty-three years of age, was five feet five inches high, and 
weighed only a hundred and fifteen pounds. He was thin 
even to emaciation, and on first glance looked more like a 
lieutenant or a cadet than a major general. But a second 
glance gave better and more assurance. He had dark 
grayish-blue eyes, that looked right through you ; a fight- 
ing nose and face; short neck, dark hair; was quick and 
energetic in his movements, full of confidence and conceit 
■ — in short, was the beau ideal of a fighting Irish- American 
of the better sort. He impressed you as an officer who 
would charge a square, or storm a battery, or shoot a de- 
serter, or drink a cup of coffee (or something stronger) 
with equal sang-froid. But withal, there was little of the 
braggadocio or swashbuckler about him. He could be 
stern and dignified, as well as jolly and vivacious, and! 
while everybody called him 'Tittle Phil" (and he liked the 
patronymic,) his friends West, in bidding him good-by 
and Godspeed, confidently predicted that before the war 
closed he would "make a spoon or spoil a horn" some- 
where East. 

He assumed command of the cavalry corps of the Army 
of the Potomac May 5, 1864, and immediately began to re- 
organize and consolidate it. Heretofore it had been large- 
ly dispersed in outpost, picket, and guard duty; but he 
aimed to hold it in hand as one body, and swing it as a 
saber or a thunderbolt when needed. 

With the opening of the Wilderness campaign events 
moved rapidly, and he soon began to show what stuff 
there was in him. Jeb Stuart, Lee's crack cavalry com- 
mander (and a splendid one he was), had been making 
trouble, as usual, the previous two years, when he rode 
around the Army of the Potomac and raided pretty much 
ad libitum (vide the Antietam and Gettysburg cam- 
paigns) ; and Meade and Sheridan were in consultation 
about him and his doings. 

125 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Suppose you let me tryjpy hand on him," suggested 
Sheridan. 

Meade, tall and gray-bearded, from his greater height 
looked down on "Little Phil," and answered in his cau- 
tious way : 

"You had better let Jeb Stuart alone ! He is a danger- 
ous man to fool with!" 

This nettled Sheridan, and he hotly replied : 

"O, bother Jeb Stuart ! I know him well, and can whip 
him to pieces, if you will only let me !" 

Meade reported this to Grant, and that great com- 
mander wisely and characteristically decided instantly : 

"Did Sheridan say that? Well, then, let him go out 
anddoit!"! 

And the very next day Sheridan was off, and rode 
around Lee's right, and rode straight after Stuart until he 
found him in the environs of Richmond, and in less than 
a week smashed his redoubtable horsemen and killed 
Stuart himself, destroying the prestige of the Confederate 
cavalry forever. Then, shrewdly avoiding Richmond and 
eluding the forces sent in pursuit of him, he made a wide 
detour to the White House, crossed the Pamunkey on a 
broken-down railroad bridge there, which he had quickly 
repaired, and in a fortnight after leaving was back again 
by the side of Grant, ready for another blow, having sev- 
ered most of Lee's important railroads and destroyed a 
vast amount of inatcricl and supplies. Doubtless Grant 
keenly enjoyed this as an object lesson to the Army of the 
Potomac as well as to Lee, and as an example to our East- 
ern cavalry chiefs especially. 

Subsequently, early in June, Sheridan rode around 
Lee's left, and fought his cavalry and infantry at Trevil- 
lian, on the Virginia Central Railroad ; breaking the road 
and seriously damaging Lee's communications and sup- 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, vol. i, pp. 368, 369. 
126 



Philip H. Sheridan 

plies, and, drawing the Confederate cavalry off in that di- 
rection, thus opened the way for Grant's advance to the 
James. 

Grant's Wilderness campaign as a whole, it must be con- 
fessed, was bloody and disappointing. But he had 
grimly made up his mind "to fight it out on that line, if it 
took all summer," and pluckily stuck to it, as he ought to 
have done. About the middle of June he crossed the 
James and sat down before Petersburg, holding Lee as in 
a vise, but unable to compel his surrender. 

Secure within his marvelous lines, Lee soon began to 
play his old game of menacing Washington, by way of the 
Shenandoah Valley, hoping thus to induce Grant to relax 
his hold or finally to retire like McClellan. But this time 
he mistook his adversary. Grant retained his deathlike 
grip on Petersburg; but, detaching Sheridan, sent his 
young lieutenant to the Valley, with orders to clean it of 
Confederates and destroy all military supplies there, and 
thus close that back door to Washington for the rest of the 
war. 

This was Sheridan's first independent command. He 
had fairly earned it by his gallantry and good sense, and 
right well did he justify it. He no longer had Rosecrans, 
or Thomas, or Grant to lean on or consult with ; but now, 
widely separated from army headquarters, had to think 
and plan and act for himself. Mr. Stanton, looking him 
all over through his imperious spectacles, thought him too 
young for such a grave command;^ but yielded his opinion 
to the joint and wiser opinions of Halleck and Grant. He 
was given a mixed command of infantry, cavalry, and 
artillery, amounting to about twenty-five thousand men, 
against the Confederate force of, say, twenty thousand. 
It is true Jubal Early afterward alleged he had only about 
eight thousand men altogether in the Valley ; but Sheridan 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, vol. i, p. 463. 

9 TO- • 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

answered by publishing the^ovost marshal general's re- 
ceipts for over thirteen thousand prisoners he had captured 
from Early. 

Once in the saddle, he quickly assembled his command 
in the lower valley, with headquarters at Hall Town, near 
Harper's Ferry. As a whole, it was not a very satisfac- 
tory command. For much of it had been ridden over and 
around and through, pretty much as the Confederate 
chiefs had willed. But Sheridan immediately set to work 
to reorganize and discipline it — changing officers, inspect- 
ing regiments, consolidating brigades — until he knew 
what he had and whom he could depend upon, and how 
much he could depend upon them. Then, about the mid- 
dle of August, he advanced cautiously to Cedar Creek, but 
presently retired again to Hall Town, because the enemy 
seemed too strong, and he was still uncertain of his men, 
and could find no good defensive position farther up the 
Valley. 

This retrograde movement, so like its predecessors, and 
so disappointing to Mr. Lincoln, filled Stanton and Hal- 
leck with dismay, and even Grant became impatient, and 
finally left Petersburg and came up to Washington him- 
self, resolved to force the fighting in the VaDey. He even 
proceeded as far as Charlestown, with a prepared plan of 
campaign in his pocket. But Sheridan easily satisfied him 
his own ''plan" was right, and in reply to Grant's eager in- 
quiries answered that he had completed his preparations, 
and was now all ready to go in. Grant characteristically 
pocketed his "plan of campaign"^ — never even alluded to 
it — and tersely bade him "Go in ;" and immediately Sheri- 
dan moved out from his lines and advanced upon the 
enemy like a thunderbolt. 

He struck the Confederates first at Opequan (or Win- 
chester) September 19, and again at Fisher's Hill Septem- 

* Grant's Memoirs, vol. ii, p. 328, 
128 



Philip H. Sheridan 

ber 22, and "sent Early whirling up the Valley," with the 
loss of over five thousand killed, wounded, and prisoners, 
five pieces of artillery, and nine battle flags. He struck 
them again at Cedar Creek October 19, and, although his 
command had been surprised and routed in the early morn- 
ing under General Wright, and was in full retreat on his 
arrival from Washington (whither he had rightfully gone 
under orders hastily to confer with Stanton andHalleck on 
imperative matters he could not otherwise settle^ — being 
absent but three days, with only four hours in Washing- 
ton, something extraordinary), he stopped the retreat, re- 
formed his lines, and before nightfall attacked and routed 
Early in turn — recapturing our old camps, and all the 
artillery, camp equipage, and transportation Wright had 
lost, and also taking over twelve hundred prisoners, 
twenty- four pieces of artillery, and many battle flags from 
the Confederates, now routed and fleeing like chaff before 
the wind. 

This was by all odds the most brilliant victory of the 
war, of its size and kind, and has well been immortalized 
by Thomas Buchanan Read in his stirring lyric, "Sheri- 
dan's Ride." It captured the imagination and aroused 
the enthusiasm of the loyal North as few victories did ; and 
out of the very depths of his soul President Lincoln wrote 
him : "I tender to you and your brave army the thanks of 
the nation, and my own personal admiration and grati- 
tude, for your month's operations in the Shenandoah Val- 
ley;*' and (what was dearer to Sheridan) immediately 
promoted him to be Major General U. S. A. Stanton, as 
I have said, had thought him too young to command in the 
Valley ; but now he also wrote, commending him unreserv- 
edly for "his personal gallantry and military skill, 
whereby, under the blessing of Providence, his routed 
army was reorganized, a great national disaster averted, 

* See Appendix, p. 381. 
129 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and a brilliant victory achiev^ over the rebels for the third 
time in pitched battle v^ithin thirty days." 

Sheridan now set to work to clean out the Valley as a 
field for Confederate operations, and, it must be conceded, 
made thorough work of it. He stretched his cavalry from 
mountain ridge to mountain ridge, and then moved down 
the Valley, driving all horses, cattle, sheep, and swine be- 
fore him, and capturing or destroying all grain, hay, and 
other military supplies, and burning all grist mills, until 
that paradise of Virginia was one wild scene of devasta- 
tion and desolation ; or, as he himself wrote General Grant : 
*'We have cleaned out the Valley so completely, that if a 
crow wants to cross it, he will have to carry his rations 
with him." Of course, this was not relished by the in- 
habitants there ; but it was war, pure and simple, stern and 
awful, and closed that ''back door to Washington" effec- 
tually for the remainder of the Rebellion. 

Late in February following he entered upon his final 
campaign in the Valley. Early in the winter he had sent 
his infantry mainly to Grant, and now took ten thousand 
cavalry and swept up the Valley, and swooped down on 
James River above Richmond, intending to cross it and 
join either Grant or Sherman. But he found the James 
swollen and impassable, because of spring freshets; with 
its bridges gone and his own pontoons insufficient. So he 
contented himself with destroying canals and smashing 
railroads there, and then swept back around Richmond 
with superb disdain; threshing as with a flail all forces 
sent in pursuit of him ; and, crossing the James below 
Richmond on March 26, reported in person to Grant again 
in front of Petersburg. How it must have delighted Gen- 
eral Grant to receive him and his column back, and what 
a welcome he must have given to his brave and capable 
young lieutenant ! 

Clearly here was an officer after Grant's own heart, who 

130 



Philip H. Sheridan 

had vindicated his judgment and sagacity — whom he 
could trust all through — and he hastened to set him to 
work again. Lincoln came down from Washington, 
Sherman came up from North Carolina, and they all four 
met in council at City Point. Grant's first thought was 
to send Sheridan down to Sherman, and then for them 
both to march up and join him before Petersburg, and 
Sherman also favored this plan. But Sheridan hotly op- 
posed it, and insisted that the Army of the Potomac alone 
was well able to whip Lee, and would be dishonored if 
helped by Sherman.^ Finally Grant yielded, Sherman 
went back to North Carolina, and March 28 Sheridan got 
his orders to move out and "reach the right and rear" of 
Lee, and "force him out of his intrenched lines," if pos- 
sible. 

"Should he come out and attack us, or get himself 
where he can be attacked, move in zvith your entire force 
in your own way, with the full reliance that the army will 
engage or follow the enemy, as circumstances dictate!" 
These were the final orders of General Grant, that led to 
Lee's surrender — the beginning of his end — and they well 
show how much Grant relied upon and trusted Sheridan. 

The very next morning Sheridan was in the saddle 
again, and our whole cavalry moved out, with the infan- 
try following in part. But now a vicious rain set in, and 
the bottoms dropped out of the Virginia roads. Both 
horses and soldiers became stalled in the mud and quick- 
sands, and March 30 Grant ordered a halt and partial re- 
turn to the railroad again. 

This disgusted Sheridan, and mounting a powerful 
gray (captured at Missionary Ridge) he rode six miles 
through the mud and rain, from Dinwiddie Court House 
to Grant's headquarters at Gravelly Run, and earnestly 
protested that they would all be ridiculed and ruined, if 

* Sheridan's Memoirs, vol. ii, p. 128-13?. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

they did not go ahead — just^ Burnside was after his fa- 
mous Mud March (January, 1863), as "Burnside stuck in 
the mud!" He said the roads were just as bad for Lee 
as they were for us, and if he could move we could; that 
he would set every man to work * 'corduroying" them ; and 
if Grant would let him alone, he would go on and break 
in on Lee's right at Five Forks, and force him out of his 
lines and whip him, mud or no mud. 

Rawlins, Grant's chief of staff, was of the same opinion 
and insistent, until Grant quietly suggested : ''Well, Raw- 
lins, I think you had better take command !" But he paid 
more attention to Sheridan, and finally decided : "Well, 
we will go on" — a momentous decision.^ Back Sheridan 
delighted rode, still through the mud and rain, bespat- 
tered from head to foot, and the next day but one after- 
ward he did strike Lee at Five Forks, and forced him out 
of his lines, and whipped him ; taking six pieces of artil- 
lery, thirteen battle flags, and nearly six thousand pris- 
oners. 

This brilliant victory, conceived and executed wholly 
by Sheridan, compelled Lee to let go his hold on Rich- 
mond and Petersburg and move out of his fortified lines, 
and from there on to Appomattox Court House and his 
final surrender (April 9) it was mainly a rout and a foot 
race. At Sailor's Creek, April 6, Sheridan again hit the 
Confederates, and took six generals and ten thousand 
prisoners, and wired Grant (back with the main army) : 
"If the thing is pressed, I think Lee will surrender." 
Grant's laconic reply was: "Press things!" Then Sheri- 
dan did press things to such excellent purpose, that he out- 
marched Lee with both his cavalry and infantry, and on 
the morning of April 9, when Lee broke camp at Appo- 
mattox, intending to retreat still farther, suddenly Sheri- 
dan appeared ahead, blocking his way, with Meade hur- 

* Sheridan's Memoirs^ vol. ii, p. 142-144. 
132 



Philip H. Sheridan 

rying up in his rear. And then and there to him and the 
Confederacy came the end of all things. 

Of Lee's surrender it is not necessary to speak more 
here. But it is the truth of history that in all the opera- 
tions leading up to it, Sheridan was literally the right 
hand of Grant, hitting like a flail or striking like a batter- 
ing ram, and what this spring campaign of 1865 would 
have been without him, I do not venture to say. It is 
enough to say, that without him the campaign of 1864 be- 
fore Petersburg availed but little, and that with him the 
campaign of 1865 resulted gloriously. He certainly must 
have a large share of the credit, whatever is due to Meade 
and Grant ; and his illustrious commander in chief would 
be the last to deny this. On the whole, I submit there was 
glory enough to go around for all. But all honor to 
Philip H. Sheridan! 

To conclude, clearly he was not a popinjay, like 
Wheeler; nor a partisan, like Forrest — a slave driver 
turned soldier ; nor a Prince Rupert, like Jeb Stuart ; but 
he was a veritable Henry of Navarre, a plumed knight for 
the Union, and will rank among great commanders ; if not 
of the first rank, yet well up among the first ; and, unques- 
tionably, would have risen higher had the war lasted and 
opportunity occurred. He had force and fire, and knew 
how to lead men and to inspire them. But he had also 
prudence and patience, and knew how to command men 
and conduct great operations as well, and few soldiers 
have shown both qualities in so large a degree. He has 
been compared to Kearny, but he had more breadth and 
keenness than Kearny, though less military learning and 
culture. He has been compared to Murat, but that beau 
sabreur had not half of Sheridan's brains, nor a tithe of 
his integrity and patriotism. In some respects he was to 
Grant what Stonewall Jackson, and after him Longstreet, 
were to Lee. But he was abler and nimbler than either, 

133 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and Grant did not hesitate Ul declare that, take him all in 
all, he was second to no general our civil war produced on 
either side. "As a soldier," he said, "there is no man liv- 
ing greater than Sheridan. He belongs to the very first 
rank of captains, not only of our army, but of the world. 
I rank him with Napoleon and Frederick and the great 
commanders of history." That was Grant's sober opin- 
ion, long after the war closed ; and who was or is a better 
judge? 

Clearly he was one of Providence's picked men, re- 
quired then and there for the salvation of the Republic. 
His name was a flag. His opportunity was large. His duty 
was great. And he was equal to both. He began life as the 
son of a poor Irish farmer. He rose to be General of the 
United States Army — the very highest rank in the Regu- 
lar Army — in the most critical period of American history, 
a rank attained by Grant and Sherman only. Well, then, 
I say: 

•' Hurrah, hurrah for Sheridan! 

Hurrah for Sheridan, horse and man! 

And when their statues are placed on high, 

Under the dome of the Union sky, 

The American soldiers' Temple of Fame," 

let every American boy study his great and heroic career ; 
and may w^e all profit by his manly life and glorious ex- 
ample !^ 

* See Appendix, p. 383. 




Gen. U. S. Grant, J 864. 



Ulysses S. Grant 



CHAPTER X 
Ulysses S. Grant 

My last commander, and clearly greatest of them all — 
one of the greatest soldiers that ever lived (I say it ad- 
visedly) — was General Grant. I first met him in Janu- 
ary, 1864, at Nashville, Tenn., after the victory at Chat- 
tanooga and the relief of Knoxville. He had gone from 
Chattanooga to Knoxville ; and, when he found Burnside 
safe and sound, had ridden with part of his staff in raw 
winter weather, with the thermometer at zero, through 
Cumberland Gap to Lexington, Ky., and there taken the 
railroad to Louisville ; whence he had come down to Nash- 
ville, then headquarters of the Military Division of the 
Mississippi, which embraced all that region from the 
Alleghanies to the Rocky Mountains, and from the Lakes 
to the Gulf of Mexico. 

I need scarcely add that he arrived in Nashville 
weather-stained and travel-worn. He was then about 
forty years of age, and looked it easily. He had dark 
sandy hair, light blue eyes, a bearded face, and a general in- 
difference but not slouchiness of figure, anything but sol- 
dierly, as Eastern officers understood things. It is true 
he wore a major general's uniform (and right well had 
he earned it) ; but it was rusty and seedy. His coat was 
open, and the lapels were buttoned back; his hat bore a 
gold cord, but was battered and worn ; he went about un- 
attended, with his head down and hands much in his pock- 
ets; and he looked for all the world more like a country 
storekeeper or Western farmer, than the illustrious con- 
queror of Vicksburg and Chattanooga, and the com- 
mander in chief now of half a million of men. 

135 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

He was a West Pointer, indpcd, and had distinguished 
himself in Mexico as a lieutenant. But he looked little 
like our traditional cadet, natty and "well set up," or usual 
regular officer; and to my Eastern eye was a decided dis- 
appomtment. I had been accustomed to such trim 
and soldierly figures as McClellan, Burnside, Hooker, 
and Meade, all of whom looked the officer and army com- 
mander. But here was a man of different caliber, evi- 
dently intent on everything but show. 

On second glance, however, he clearly improved. As 
you caught his eye, you found it clear and penetrating, 
and saw it could be hard as flint as well as soft as dew, and 
it was easy to perceive that there was a grip and grit in his 
face and jaw that would enable him to dare great things, 
and hold on mightily, and toil terribly, "when the hour 
had struck and the time had come." When he came to 
talk, you found him few of words and slow of speech ; but 
he knew exactly zvhat he wanted, and zvhy and when he 
wanted it. And when you left his presence you could not 
help feeling, that here was a man of grave and serious pur- 
pose, gentle in manner, but bent on great things ; cast in 
the mold of a Cromwell or Wellington rather than a Na- 
poleon. And you instinctively felt he would be loyal to 
the end, and could be trusted all through. 

He took a rebel house at Nashville, and was soon set- 
tled down and hard at work. His staff was small and his 
headquarters void of show. He attended few parades 
and reviews. He hated long letters and prolix reports. 
But he had the telegraph brought into his quarters, and 
every day with a telegrapher by his side would talk all 
over his great military division and with Washington, 
and every night he knew precisely where the enemy was, 
and what he was doing, and what we were able to do and 
dare. In other words, he knew the value of time, and in 
an hour or so would accomplish by telegraph what some 

136 



Ulysses S. Grant 

other commanders would waste days in doing by pen and 
paper. So, also, he knew how to decide. 

One day my chief, General Donaldson, went to him 
with a report and estimate, relating to the campaign of 
1864, that involved millions of money and property, and 
when he had glanced it over he silently approved and or- 
dered it. Hesitating, because of the vast expense, Gen- 
eral Donaldson ventured to call his attention again to the 
figures, and to inquire whether he was quite sure he was 
right? 

''No, I am not," was Grant's reply; "but in war anything 
is better than indecision. We must decide. If I am 
wrong, we shall soon find it out, and can do the other 
thing. But not to decide wastes both time and money, 
and may ruin everything." 

Here unquestionably was one great secret of his im- 
mense success, and the key to many of his brilliant 
achievements. 

Soon Mrs. Grant came down from "God's country," as 
we then called all north of the Ohio, and spent several 
weeks at Nashville. She did not see much of General 
Grant during the week — he was too busily engaged at 
headquarters, or w^as off in the saddle inspecting troops 
and forts or hospitals. But on Sunday they went regu- 
larly to the humble Methodist Episcopal church there to- 
gether, and his devout example told for righteousness on 
all our forces in his Military Division. Before and after 
church he was often at headquarters, indeed ; but not un- 
less "the situation" demanded it, and his aids and or- 
derlies were early excused from Sunday duty, unless their 
further presence was imperatively required. 

As a military commander, his success was so phenome- 
nal and his career so great that I hardly know how to 
speak of him further, within the limits of a chapter like 
this. He resigned from the regular army as captain in 

^o7 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

1854, for want of something to do in our then "piping 
times of peace." First he tried farming near St. Louis, 
and then tanning at Galena, and barely earned a scanty 
support for himself and family. His total income was 
only about eight hundred dollars per year when the war 
broke out, with poor prospect of increase. Now he raised 
a company of volunteers, and hastened with it to Spring- 
field, but failed of a command. Next he went to Cincin- 
nati, and sought service under McClellan (then command- 
ing there, and whom he had known in Mexico) ; but failed 
even to see him. Then he wrote to the War Department, 
and tendered his services there or anywhere, but was not 
even answered. But now, at last, Illinois had a regiment, 
mutinous and insubordinate, that she knew not what to do 
with, and tendered him its command ; and then he began 
to show the real grip and temper of his mind and char- 
acter. That regiment, it goes without saying, soon 
learned to ''obey orders!" 

His first great opportunity came in February, 1862, when 
he got tardy permission from Halleck (then commanding 
at St. Louis) to move on Forts Henry and Donelson, and 
the results were his signal victories there — over fifteen 
thousand prisoners, sixty-five cannon, and seventeen thou- 
sand muskets — that so thrilled the North at the time, and 
wTote his name down in history forever as "Unconditional 
Surrender Grant." I remember that his telegram an- 
nouncing the surrender there was signed simply "U. S. 
Grant," and our adjutant in the Army of the Potomac the 
next evening at dress parade inadvertently read it "United 
States Grant," because that was our usual meaning of "U. 
S." then, and we had never heard of him otherwise ! But 
we got to know his name better afterward. 

His next affair, at Pittsburg Landing or Shiloh, was 
unfortunate — a drawn battle, or at best a barren victory 
—and 3ome clamor arose for his removal ; but Mr. Lin- 

138 



Ulysses S. Grant 

coin sagely replied : "We can't spare this man. He fights ! 
he fights !" thus contrasting his vigor and virility with the 
inaction and supineness of McClellan and Buell. Next 
he moved on Vicksburg from the north, by way of the 
Mobile and Ohio Railroad, and failed (November-De- 
cember, 1862). Then he tried it by way of the Missis- 
sippi, with Sherman and Porter assisting, and again he 
failed (January-March, 1863). But disappointments and 
failures only whet the resolution of great men, while they 
dismay and defeat small men ; and hence Grant, more de- 
termined than ever, now boldly resolved to cross the Mis- 
sissippi below Vicksburg, cut loose from his base, and at- 
tack that Confederate Gibraltar from the east and rear, 
and to the amazement of everybody succeeded magnifi- 
cently. 

This was our first really great Union success, clear and 
significant, and coupled with Gettysburg on the same day 
(that ever memorable Fourth of July, 1863), raised our 
national fortunes to a pitch of prestige that nothing after- 
ward could much diminish. Our other campaigns con- 
sisted largely of long marches or hard-fought battles ; but 
Vicksburg was brilliant strategy as well as gallant tactics, 
and placed Grant in the very front rank of great com- 
manders. It freed the Mississippi from Cairo to the gulf ; 
it bisected the Confederacy as with a knife; and it really 
sounded the death knell of the Rebellion, had its doughty 
chiefs only had ''ears to hear." And the honor and glory 
of it all belonged to Grant, and to Grant alone. For, as 
Sherman said to me with his own lips, one night in the 
fall of 1866, as we lay bivouacked by a blazing fire in the 
shadow of the Rocky Mountains: "Yes, it was Grant's 
plan, and nobody else's. I objected to it — did not *pro- 
test,' as has been said — but tried to dissuade him from it 
as too big and risky. But Grant stuck to it, nevertheless, 
and now deserves the credit of it all. I wrote him, it is 

139 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

true, but nevertheless pledgelFliim my 'zealous coopera- 
tion and energetic support,' if he decided to go ahead ; arid 
I kept my word.^ After we cut loose from our base, I 
never saw him again until we reached the Big Black. 
There w^e halted to rebuild a bridge, that the Rebs had de- 
stroyed, and I lay down in a contraband's cabin near the 
bridge-head to get a wink of sleep while the work went 
on, when about midnight Grant rode up with some of his 
staff, and I rushed out bareheaded, and taking him by the 
hand said, 'General Grant, I want to congratulate you on 
the success of your great plan. And it is "your plan," too, 
by heaven, and nobody else's. For nobody else believed 
in it!'" 

The mere figures as to Vicksburg alone are immense. 
See how they read : thirty-one thousand six hundred pris- 
oners : one hundred and seventy-two cannon ; over sixty 
thousand muskets ; and a vast amount of materiel and 
stores. But these, indeed, only half tell the story! 

It will always remain one of the mysteries of our Civil ; 
War why Grant was not now allowed to keep his Vicks- J 
burg veterans together, and ordered to strike somewhere 
else. He himself wanted to move on Mobile, in conjunc- 
tion with Porter and Farragut. But Halleck and Stanton 
between them now managed to scatter his forces, where 
they accomplished next to nothing. Subsequently he him- 
self drifted down to New Orleans; where, returning from 
a review, he was thrown from an unruly horse and 
gravely disabled — was insensible at first and lame for 
many weeks afterward.^ 

Now came Chickamauga (which likely never would 
have happened had Grant moved on Mobile), and Stanton 
and Halleck, frantic at the impending consequences, now 
hurried Grant to Chattanooga, disabled as he was. I 



• See Sherman's Memoirs, vol. i, p. 317 ; also JVar Records, vol. xxiv, part iii, pp. 179, 
180. * Grant's Memoirs, vol. i, p. 581. See Appendix, p. 384. 

140 



Ulysses S. Grant 

know of no more dramatic or pathetic spectacle during the 
war than Thomas cooped up at Chattanooga, the nation 
fearing his retreat or surrender, and Grant hastening to 
his relief by railroad and on horseback, by night and by 
day, lame as he was. He had been on crutches for weeks, 
and was still so lame that his staff had to carry him over 
hard places in the roads, where it was not safe to ride on 
horseback, when crossing the mountains between Bridge- 
port and Chattanooga (sometimes by torchlight) ; but he 
got there nevertheless. It was one man on crutches 
against Bragg and his beleaguering army; but our rein- 
forcement was adequate, as the event soon proved. In 
reply to Grant's anxious telegram from Louisville, "Hold 
Chattanooga at all hazards, I will be there as soon as pos- 
sible," Thomas had telegraphed him, '7 zvill hold the toivn 
till we starve;'' and right well did he keep his soldierly 
promise.^ 

With Grant once in Chattanooga everybody felt safe, 
and all there braced up and showed fight. What Thomas 
would have accomplished without him it is, of course, im- 
possible to say. But it is certain that Grant's very 
presence, when it became known, was an inspiration; it 
soon put a new aspect on affairs there; and when Sherman 
also arrived with his succoring army, it required no 
prophet to foretell the result. As the stars in their courses 
"fought against Sisera," so the fates now were plainly 
against Bragg, and his overwhelming defeat was only a 
matter of time, and of brief time. This came November 
24 and 25, when Grant struck him like a cyclone — with 
Sherman and Sheridan, Thomas and Hooker, all com- 
bined — and literally "smote him hip and thigh;" inflict- 
ing a loss of over five thousand killed and wounded, over 
six thousand prisoners, fifty pieces of artillery, and seven 
thousand stands of small arms ; while the remainder of his 

* IVar Records, vol. xxx, part iv, p. 479. 
141 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

army (beaten and half panic-stdpken ) retreated sullenly 
into Georgia. It is such great and stunning victories as 
these — Donelson, Vicksburg, and Chattanooga — at deci- 
sive hours or at great strategic points, that determine hu- 
man w^ars and settle the fate of nations. All minor bat- 
tles and campaigns are mere stage thunder or side scenes. 
But such actions as these, if they do not end the drama, 
at least mark the march of its successive and bloody steps, 
and point significantly to the coming catastrophe. 

The relief of Knoxville now foUow^ed, as a matter of 
course, and this ended the campaign of 1863 in Tennessee 
and all that region. Grant nov^ returned to Nashville, as 
the natural center and brain of his great Military Division, 
and soon began to plan for the campaign of 1864. He 
resolved to strike next at Atlanta, with subsequent blows 
at Mobile or Savannah ; but in March, 1864, was appointed 
Lieutenant General, and put in supreme command of all our 
armies, then over a million strong. This did not spoil him, 
but with rare good sense he decided to go East and take 
command there, while he left Sherman to "swing things" 
in the West, as he was well able to do. He did not deem it 
right or wise to remove Meade, in view of his great record 
at Gettysburg and elsewhere ; but he made his own head- 
quarters with the Army of the Potomac, and soon sub- 
stantially directed all its movements. 

He lost no time, but early in May, as soon as the roads 
dried up, moved out of our winter camps with an army 
(including Burnside) one hundred and twenty thousand 
strong, well seasoned and veteranized, and over three hun- 
dred guns. Opposed stood Lee, with about seventy-five 
thousand men, better veteranized, and over two hundred 
guns. Not unevenly balanced, though these figures seem 
otherwise ; for Lee was on the defensive and on his native 
soil, with every foot of which he was familiar (over which 
he had already campaigned three years), and in the midst 

142 



Ulysses S. Grant 

of his devoted friends ; while Grant was on the offensive, 
and in a new and unknown country, and surrounded by a 
hostile people — conditions indeed gravely affecting cam- 
paigns and battles. 

So began his great campaign against Richmond, with 
all the world looking on and all history attentive. He was 
tempted to move his army first by water to the James, like 
McClellan, and there attack Richmond from the South; 
and he has been criticised and scolded by McClellan's 
friends and admirers ever since, because he did not do this. 
But, after mature reflection, his common sense and wise 
answer was that the Confederacy rested on Lee's bayonets ; 
that there could be no peace until Lee's veterans — the gal- 
lant Army of Northern Virginia — were first conquered or 
ground to powder ; and, therefore, that his "true objective 
was first Lee's army." Had he gone to the James imme- 
diately, he would have found Lee and his brave veterans 
confronting him there just the same; and as we had to 
fight it out anyhow, he reasoned, why not fight on the 
Rapidan as well as on the James? Besides, this would 
cover and protect the national capital, and Mr. Lincoln, 
with good reason and his usual good sense, always made 
this a sine qua non of every Virginia campaign. 

So we had the bloody and desperate battles of the Wil- 
derness, of Spottsylvania, and Cold Harbor; not very 
scientific, not very strategic, not very tactical always ; and 
they could not be, because of the conditions of the country 
(heavily wooded), and of the contending armies (both 
American), both armed and drilled alike, and both ably 
officered and commanded. But Grant hammered con- 
tinuously away, as if the very sledge hammer of Thor, 
resolved to ''fight it out on this line, if it takes all summer," 
and daily moved by the left flank grimly forward, like the 
march of doom. 

I can imagine Lee's amazement, his disgust and dismay, 
10 143 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

when he found Grant did not^treat after the awful car- 
nage of the Wilderness. The Army of the Potomac had 
always fought bravely and then retreated, in like circum- 
stances, under its previous commanders; and Meade evi- 
dently expected this now, too. But Grant smoked his cigar, 
and sternly ordered the army again "by the left flank, for- 
ward !" and Lee, in the depths of his soul, must have 
realized that the end was indeed now come, or surely com- 
ing. It is true our losses from the Rapidan to the James 
were enormous — fifty-four thousand nine hundred and 
twenty-six men in killed, wounded, and missing. But the 
fighting had to be done — sometime, somewhere — and 
Lee's army ground to pieces; and Grant alone had the 
nerve to do it then and there. In my judgment, now 
thirty-five years afterward, after a full review of all the 
facts, it was a great "job of work," as Carlyle says, great- 
ly done ; and history will justify his sagacity and vindicate 
his generalship, despite his maligners and slanderers.^ 

Once across the James, he sat down before Petersburg ; 
and though he found Lee there, alert and vigilant, it was 
no longer Lee's army of old, but one for which "both the 
cradle and the grave had been robbed ;" and its final defeat 
and surrender were now only a question of time. What 
mattered a few months, more or less? He held Lee and 
the Confederacy now in a vise, as with the grip of destiny, 
while his great lieutenant moved on Atlanta and Savan- 
nah, and the bells of Appomattox were already beginning 
to toll, if one did but listen. When Lee essayed to threaten 
Washington, to divert Grant from Petersburg and Rich- 
mond, by his usual back-door route of the Shenandoah, 
Grant dispatched Phil Sheridan to lock that door forever 
by his brilliant victories at Opequan and Cedar Creek, 
And Lee must now have felt another coil of destiny 
tightening surely around him. 

1 See Appendix, p. 385. 
144 



Ulysses S. Grant 

Then, at last, came the ever memorable spring of 1865, 
with Sheridan again in the saddle, and again triumphant 
at Five Forks and Sailor's Creek, with Petersburg 
doomed, Richmond abandoned, and Appomattox as the 
end of all things. Here Lee — baffled, beaten, broken- 
hearted — now at last grounded arms, with all his army 
and materiel of war, and the Southern Confederacy passed 
into history as a hideous nightmare — a political blunder 
and crime — never to recur. It is the fashion with some to 
say, "Lee hadn't much left." But the official records show 
that between March 29 and April 9 he surrendered 
forty-seven thousand four hundred and eighty-eight men 
and six hundred and eighty-nine cannon, besides his killed, 
wounded, and missing.^ 

Donelson, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, Appomattox — 
these, I say, were great and memorable victories, either of 
them enough for one man's fame ; but Grant achieved them 
all, and so wrote his name down in history imperishable as 
the stars. Criticism is always cheap and easy, provided 
one be far enough away from the battlefield. But history 
looks only at results, and the substantial fact remains that 
Grant succeeded -where all others failed. As Mr. Lincoln 
once said of him, "Grant is the only one of our generals 
who has fought twenty-eight great battles and won twen- 
ty-eight great victories." Verily he knew how to "make 
things come to pass !" He was not an Alexander, nor a 
Caesar, nor a Napoleon ; but I venture to say that he was a 
greater commander than either of them, under the changed 
conditions of warfare as they existed here from 1861 to 
1865; and an infinitely better man; and his fame is se- 
cure for all the long centuries to come. 

Said Sherman to me (and he was a good judge) one 
evening in 1866, after the war was over, while chatting 
around our camp fire in the shadow of the Rockies : 

* Grant's Memoirs, vol. li, pp. 500, 501. 

145 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Grant is the greatest sol^r of our time, if not of all 
times. He does not know as much about books and strict 
military art and science as some others, but he possesses 
the last quality of great generalship; he knows, he 
divines, when the supreme hour has come in a campaign 
or battle, and always boldly seizes it. When he begins a 
campaign, he fixes in his mind what is the true objective 
point, and abandons all minor ones ; holding that he will 
recover these afterward easily enough, if only successful 
at the main point! So he dismisses all possibility of 
defeat. He believes in himself and in victory, as absolute- 
ly as the Christian believes in his Saviour. If his plan 
works wrong, he is never disconcerted, but promptly de- 
vises a new one, and is sure he will win in the end. 

"In every engagement there comes a supreme moment, 
when both sides are well whipped, and whichever com- 
mander first divines this and puts forth all his strength, 
hazarding everything for success, he is sure to 'get there !' 
and Grant never failed to divine and seize it. As for ex- 
ample, at Shiloh and Pittsburg Landing we were pretty 
roughly handled — not exactly 'surprised,' but the next 
thing to it — and at the end of the first day's fight, along 
after dark, Grant rode over to my headquarters, and asked 
me what I thought about the battle. I answered, that I 
thought we were 'pretty well whipped.' 

" 'Yes,' said Grant, 'I think so too. But haven't you 
observed, during the last hour or so, the enemy has made 
no progress ? That means his force is spent. One of our 
flanks is covered by an impassable ravine; the other by 
gunboats. Our riffraff have gone to the rear. What 
are left are good soldiers. And whichever side takes the 
initiative in the morning, the other will retire. And 
Beauregard will be mighty smart, if he attacks before I 
do!" 

"I told him there was sense in this, and he rode away. 

146 



Ulysses S. Grant 

But about midnight I received his written order to attack 
at dayhght with all my force, and the whole army would 
support me. I did, and after a feeble resistance the John- 
nies went skedaddling back to Corinth, and the field was 
ours. 

So also at Chattanooga, I was ordered to attack on 
the left — Bragg's right — and I did with all my force, but 
soon found the ground impassable, and was repulsed. I 
was ordered to attack again, and did, wath like result ; and 
halted for orders. These came, 'Attack again,' and I 
thought the old man daft, and sent a staff officer to inquire 
if there wasn't a mistake. But his reply was, 'No ! At- 
tack as ordered!' And I did, vehemently; and, simul- 
taneously, he hurled Thomas and Sheridan against 
Bragg's center, piercing and crushing it, and rolling his 
wings up both ways, and the campaign was ended. Now 
what Grant did was this : by my attacks so often on the 
left, he made Bragg believe our main attack was to be 
there, and so he weakened his center to reinforce his right, 
and when Grant 'divined' he had done this sufficiently, he 
hurled Thomas forward as a battering ram, and smashed 
him completely. It was a great victory — the neatest and 
cleanest battle I was ever in — and Grant deserves the 
credit of it all." 

"Yes," he added, characteristically, "some others of us 
on both sides were pretty good generals; but not one of us 
could compare with Grant, nor begin to compare with 
him!" 

Of course, I do not give Sherman's precise words, but 
I give his precise ideas, and almost his exact words. For 
they impressed me deeply, and have been repeated often 
since then, both privately and publicly. 

As a mere organizer and drillmaster, Grant certainly 
did not compare with McClellan or Meade or Hooker ; but 
when it came to aggressive campaigning and fighting, or 

147 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

to taking a large and compr^ftnsive view of affairs — such 
as seeing the end of a campaign or a battle even from the 
beginning and holding steadfastly on, despite everybody 
and everything, no matter what happened, provided we 
succeeded — he was worth all three of them rolled into one, 
and more. Clearly, he knew officers well, and his judg- 
ment of subordinates was unerring, as witness Sherman, 
McPherson, and Sheridan — all his chosen lieutenants. 
And as the most illustrious soldier of American history 
(much exceeding Robert E. Lee, as I humbly think), let 
us take off our hats to him, and in the fine lines of Alfred 
Tennyson, in his superb "Ode on the Duke of Welling- 
ton," devoutly say: 

*' Let his great example stand, 
Colossal, seen of every land; 

And make the soldier firm, the statesman pure, 
Till in all lands, and through all human story, 
The path of duty be the way to glory, 

"And let the land whose hearths he saved from shame, 

For many and many an age proclaim, 

At civic revel and pomp and game, 

And when our long-illumined cities flame, 

Our ever loyal iron leader's fame, 

With honor, honor, honor, honor to him — 
Eternal honor to his name! " 

And as for believers in Methodism, let them also say : 
"All hail to this modest man of Methodist faith and Meth- 
odist origin!" Born in a Methodist home, bred in a 
Methodist Sunday school, trained in the Methodist 
Church, and married to a Methodist wife, right worthily 
did he become the first Methodist President of the Repub- 
lic. And as the great conqueror of the Rebellion, and 
twice President of the United States, he will descend to 
history an honor and a credit to the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, while time lasts or history endures. 

148 




Gen. Robert E. Lee, J864. 



Robert E. Lee 



CHAPTER XI 
Robert E. Lee 

I DID not serve under General Lee, and am glad I did 
not ; but may I venture to write a chapter on General Lee 
also ? It may be dangerous business, but has not the time 
come to marshal the facts and try to arrive at some just 
estimate of General Lee also ? It has become the fashion 
to place General Lee on a pedestal, and worship him afar 
off — at the expense of our Union generals, particularly 
of General Grant — as vide General Lord Wolseley and 
others. But let us take the scales of history, and see how 
they balance. I will at least try to hold them level, which- 
ever ''kicks the beam." I beg pardon of his Confederate 
friends in advance, if I seem to be unfair. But really I 
do not mean to be so, if I can help it. 

Of course, Secession was a sophism, and the Southern 
Confederacy from the first a thing doomed. It was an an- 
achronism in the nineteenth century — a pirate ship still 
afloat, but sure to sink or be sunk in due time. How 
could they expect a government to succeed or endure, 
'Svhose corner stone was slavery," as its Vice President 
Stephens himself boasted ? Every American of real clear- 
headedness, I submit, saw this from the beginning, and 
why a man of Robert E. Lee's conceded caliber did not, or 
could not, or would not see it (as his brother Virginian, 
George H. Thomas, readily did) is one of the puzzles of 
human nature. But without discussing the right or wrong 
of General Lee's conduct in joining the Southern Confed- 
eracy, of which much might be said ; for he owed his edu- 
cation, his career, and his allegiance to the United States 
■ — he had so sworn ; or his responsibility, direct or indirect, 

149 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

for the horrors of Libby sl^^ Andersonville, which he 
certainly knew all about and could have stopped, had he 
so chosen ; or the moral character of the Rebellion, about 
which, I suppose, men will long differ — let us, notwith- 
standing, now proceed to weigh and measure him as a 
military commander alone. 

Lee's first independent command, it will be recollected, 
was in West Virginia early in 1861 ; and it will not be de- 
nied that even Rosecrans was enough for him then and 
there. Next he succeeded to the command of the Army 
of Northern Virginia at Fair Oaks in June, 1862, after 
Joseph E. Johnston was wounded on the first day there; 
and it must be admitted, that the second day at Fair Oaks 
was not a Confederate success. Then came the '' Seven 
Days' Battle," so called, with McClellan ; and though his 
great lieutenants, Jackson and Longstreet, fought superb- 
ly, yet General Lee failed to detect or divine our " change 
of base " to the James, but sent Jackson off on a wild goose 
chase toward the White House, at right angles to our line 
of retreat, when he ought to have been hammering hard 
at our affrighted rear — no, not "affrighted," but stunned 
and bleeding rear. The Army of the Potomac never be- 
came affrighted ; in its personnel it was incapable of fear. 
At Malvern Hill he put in his troops ''by piecemeal," and 
was bloodily repulsed, as he deserved, and only his good 
luck saved Richmond then from dangerous attack, had not 
McClellan lost his head. Of course, I admit General Lee 
was too much for our "Little Mac," as a rule; but does 
that entitle him to rank as a first-class commander ? 

At second Bull Run, of course, he beat Pope, because 
Pope never had much head, and it is conceded Porter and 
Franklin both failed him. But at Antietam, it must be 
admitted, even McClellan worsted him, or at least per- 
suaded him to fall back into Virginia, from which history 
will aver he ought never to have moved. At Fredericks- 



Robert E. Lee 

burg he certainly made a superb defense, but he had only 
Burnside against him, and all the advantages of position 
with him. But when, after the awful slaughter there, we 
lay beaten — left, right, and center — why did he not give us 
a counter-thrust, or at least attempt it ? Or, more signifi- 
cantly still, why did he allow our defeated and demoralized 
army there to recross the Rappahannock at night, free and 
unmolested ? Why did he not detect or divine our retro- 
grade movement of despair, and strike us suddenly and fu- 
riously, like Thomas struck Hood after Nashville? A well- 
ordered night attack there, while we were crossing the few 
pontoon bridges, or waiting to cross them, our columns 
halting, mixed up, and all crowding to the bridge-heads, 
with the chances incalculably on his side, might have re- 
sulted in a great and unspeakable calamity to us there — 
probably would have so resulted. 

At Chancellorsville, it is conceded, he whipped Hooker 
well. But why did he let Hooker escape so easily ? I don't 
know how it was down on the left with Sedgwick, for I 
was not there ; but upon our right, our main army, we ex- 
pected grave trouble in crossing the river again, but were 
practically unmolested. He had lost Stonewall 'Jack- 
son, and Longstreet was absent, it is true. But why did 
he not send "Billy" Mahone, or McLaws, or Anderson to 
smite us "hip and thigh," while we were crowding over 
like sheep at United States Ford, and marching thence dis- 
pirited, back to our old Stafford camps again ? 

At Gettysburg, it will not now be denied, Lee was well 
whipped by Meade, and only his good luck and Meade's 
overprUdence saved him from ruin. He certainly " lost 
his head " somewhat there; and had Meade divined how 
dazed Lee was by Pickett's awful defeat, he would have 
ordered a " counter-thrust " immediately, as Lee expected, 
or, at least, would have hammered and whacked away at 
his rear so vigorously, as he staggered back to the Poto- 

151 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

mac, that he would never ha^ got across it into Virginia 
again. 

1 think history will declare that Lee's two invasions of 
both Maryland (1862) and Pennsylvania (1863) were 
military mistakes, as well as political blunders. Of what 
possible good could they be to the Southern Confederacy ? 
Did he suppose he (Robert E. Lee) could dictate terms of 
peace to Abraham Lincoln, even if he penetrated to Phil- 
adelphia or New York temporarily? Did he not know, 
could he not perceive, that the North had only begun to 
fight, and would never, never permit the American Re- 
public to be divided, least of all on the line of slavery? 
Both of these invasions, I submit, will seem to history as 
huge wastes of time and blood and treasure, hard to be ex- 
cused. They were certainly military failures. Politically 
they consolidated the North. Clearly they did not help 
the South, and they cost General Lee thousands upon 
thousands of gallant men he could never replace. 

In the Wilderness, and from the Rapidan to the James, 
it will be admitted he fought magnificently, with bent 
brows and flashing eyes, like a Roman gladiator. But, it 
must be remembered, his arena there — also like a Roman 
gladiator's — was all his own. Like MacGregor, " his 
foot was on his native heather " there. He was easily 
familiar with every mile of it. He had just campaigned 
over it, for three years in succession, against McClellan, 
Pope, Burnside, and Hooker, and he knew every wood 
path, as well as turnpike and crossroad; while to Grant, 
who had never been there before, it was all a terra incog- 
nita. So the inhabitants there were friendly and devoted 
to him, while to Grant they were savagely hostile. So, 
also, the country as a whole was horribly wooded — a veri- 
table tangled wilderness of Virginia pines, scrub oaks, 
underbrush, etc. — so that while Grant, it is true, largely 
outnumbered Lee, yet numbers counted for but little there, 

152 



. t 



Robert E. Lee 

seldom over one third or even one fourth of our forces 
being actually engaged. So, again, it must be remembered 
that Lee was constantly operating on interior lines, while 
Grant had to fight on exterior lines, and the rule of attack 
and defense under such circumstances, in such a country, 
and under like conditions, is held to be at least three or four 
to one; whereas Grant never mustered quite two to one. 
And yet day by day, week by week. General Lee was 
forced backward by Grant's everlasting order, "By the 
left flank, forward!" and during that whole campaign 
never gave us one resolute, determined, successful "coun- 
ter-thrust." Sheridan rode around him twice. Grant 
hammered away at him continuously, with fearful losses 
— fifty-four thousand nine hundred and twenty-six men. 
But the best General Lee could do, fought he never so 
skillfully and bravely, was to fall back at last stubbornly 
and defiantly on Richmond and Petersburg. 

At Petersburg he certainly made a gallant defense, and 
fought General Grant for all it was worth. It was a grip of 
two giants. It was a wrestle between two Titans. It 
was, indeed, a veritable " tug-of-war." But Grant never 
had enough troops to invest the place completely, and with 
back doors open to both Richmond and Danville (for re- 
inforcements and supplies), it is not to be wondered at 
that General Lee held out so long and well. A military 
siege is a slow thing at best. Think of Antwerp and Dant- 
zic, of Saragossa and Metz. Remember Sebastopol. Se- 
dan is not a case in point, because the Germans far out- 
numbered the French, and practically surrounded them; 
and were better organized and armed, and much more 
ably commanded. But fight as he would and could, when 
Grant once got his hand firmly on Lee's throat (as when 
Sheridan triumphed at Five Forks), Petersburg and 
Richmond were doomed, and Appomattox followed log- 
ically as the end of all things. 

.153 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

So much by way of gentpRl observation. Nov^, sup- 
pose we weigh him a little more particularly. In the first 
place, please remember, Lee seldom took the initiative, 
and when he did he often got badly worsted; as at Mal- 
vern Hill, Antietam, and Gettysburg. Next, what cam- 
paign of his much exceeded, if equaled, in completeness 
and finish that of Thomas's at Nashville? So, what one 
compared with Sherman's great march on Atlanta and 
Savannah, and thence up through the Carolinas— over a 
thousand miles of marching and fighting, through the very 
heart of an enemy's country? And so especially, I beg to 
ask, what one can begin to compare with Grant's masterly 
operations down the Mississippi and around Vicksburg, or 
his magnificent relief of Chattanooga, or his superb siege 
of Petersburg — in all extending over half a continent 
nearly ? 

Again, is it not true that General Lee never conducted a 
great siege successfully, nor compelled the surrender of a 
single army? While Grant conducted Donelson, Vicks- 
burg, and Petersburg, and captured at each place an en- 
tire army — at Donelson fifteen thousand men, at Vicks- 
burg thirty-one thousand six hundred men, at Peters- 
burg (or Appomattox), between March 29 and April 9, 
1865, forty-seven thousand four hundred and eighty- 
eight men and six hundred and eighty-nine cannon. 
Just think of these figures, pray — ninety-four thousand 
and eighty-eight men. They will well bear pondering. 
Now, to stand on the defensive and strike only from the 
shoulder, I submit, is a greatly different thing, and calls 
for far less bigness and fineness of brain and soul, than to 
conceive and execute great aggressive campaigns and bat- 
tles like these; and Lee and Grant must be weighed ac- 
cordingly, if we would be just and fair. Of course, it is 
conceded that the rank and file on both sides were much 
the same, with the difference rather in favor of Lee, be- 

154 



Robert E. Lee 

cause more of the Confederates in proportion were native- 
born Americans. 

Again, consider, pray, who General Lee's antagonists 
were: McClellan the unready, Pope the overbold. Burn- 
side the blunderer. Hooker "Fighting Joe" and a good 
deal more, Meade a good safe commander ranking high ; 
but not one of them a man of first-rate abilities, and some 
barely third-rate. Of course, Lee ought to have beaten 
such antagonists, or most of them. But when he became 
pitted against Grant, his plans soon went awry, and a sin- 
gle campaign ended him. Now why, pray why, if he 
measured up to this simple man from the prairies of 
Illinois? 

General Lee was, indeed, the true type of the Southern 
oligarchs — proud, haughty, pure, upright (in their way), 
self-centered, well poised ; as Grant was the true type of 
our Northern democracy, the consummate flower of our 
American civilization, and in the end was bound to win, 
because he embodied the moral and spiritual forces of his 
age and time, and was the best representative of them. 
Lee was, indeed, a man of excellent parts, but not of the 
greatest parts. He was a gentleman, a patriot, and a 
Christian — after his kind, the Confederate slaveholding 
kind. Indeed, I concede, as Shakespeare says : 

*' His soul was gentle, and the elements so mixed in him, 
That nature might stand up, and say to all the world, 
Behold a man " — 

a Southern slaveholding man. But I respectfully submit, 
he was not Grant's superior as a soldier, nor, indeed, his 
equal, nor nearly so, as I think history will hold in her 
final analysis; and he will be lucky if he maintains even 
second place on the world's roll of great commanders. 

Clearly General Lee cannot rank with Alexander, 
Cajsar, Napoleon, and Von Moltke — all of whom were 
great aggressive commanders, all of whom conducted 

155 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

great aggressive campaigns#md battles successfully, all 
of whom managed great sieges and compelled large sur- 
renders, like Ulysses S. Grant. All these must welcome 
General Grant to their distinguished and illustrious com- 
pany — to the Valhalla of the world's greatest commanders 
and conquerors. But as for Robert E. Lee — hold the 
scales never so level — I respectfully and regretfully submit 
( for he also was an American) , they must deny him entree 
there. Conceding all that is claimed as to his paucity 
of numbers, resources, etc., he yet fails to meet the su- 
preme tests, and his friends and worshipers are unwise to 
challenge such comparison. 

Let Lee abide in his own place. It is a large place, 
and he fills it well. For he was a gallant gentleman and 
an accomplished soldier, intelligent, alert, vigilant, brave, 
resolute, determined, devoted to his State, and dedicated ) 
to his cause — a hero worthy of any age or any land (of J 
his kind) . But nevertheless I must maintain Grant clearly j 
out-tops him, as the oak out-tops the cedar or the pine; j 
and Grant's sturdy name and fame will grow and broaden J 
like the oak as the years roll on. Grant's supreme mission I 
to mankind — his chief business on the earth — was to con- 
quer the Rebellion, and he did it thoroughly. 

Lee's supreme mission was to defend the Confederacy, 
and it ended in the " Lost Cause " and was ground to pow- 
der. Does not this estimate of Lee belittle Grant and his 
great deeds? By no means! Each fought in his own 
place, and fought well. But Grant's was the weightier 
sword, and finer-tempered. It was Cromwell against Ru- 
pert — the Puritan against the Cavalier — the nineteenth 
century against the eighteenth, or seventeenth, and the re- 
sult could not be doubtful ! 

What would Grant have done in Lee's place ? Really, I 
don't know, but presumably great things. Grant was 
bold, aggressive, enterprising, far-sighted, level-headed, 

156 



Robert E. Lee 

broad-minded, patient, tenacious, full of grip and grit, 
and evidently would have '' made a spoon or spoiled a 
horn" (most likely have ''made a spoon," or several of 
them), even on the Confederate side. Let us be thankful 
he fought on our side! He was the soul of honor and 
truthfulness. His uprightness and integrity were perfect. 
And in generosity and magnanimity and clemency, he has 
never been surpassed, if equaled. He let the Confeder- 
ates take their horses home after Appomattox " to help 
them make a crop to carry themselves and their families 
through the next winter," though they had surrendered 
and forfeited everything. He refrained from visiting 
Richmond after its fall — Von Moltke and his generals in- 
sisted on marching through Paris. And when Andrew 
Johnson afterward sought to arrest General Lee, Grant 
claimed him as his own paroled prisoner of war, and would 
not suffer a hair of his head to be touched.^ 

What would Lee have done in Grant's place? Evident- 
ly, with our numbers and resources and our cause, he would 
have succeeded magnificently. With his ancestral ties, he 
would have gone down to history as our second Washing- 
ton. A great future opened up before him, but he did not 
or could not see it, and so missed his true place. Clearly 
the Confederacy produced no man equal nor nearly equal 
to him. "Stonewall" Jackson, Longstreet, and Joe John- 
ston were well enough in their way; but none of them 
could hold a candle to Robert E. Lee. But had General 
Lee been on our side and successful, I think he would have 
marched through Richmond! Of all on both sides, only 
Grant was equal to the self-abnegation and self-effacement 
of not doing so. And so he wound up his last official 
report with these memorable words, which every Union 
soldier will now heartily reiterate : " Let us hope for per- 
petual peace and harmony with that enemy, whose man- 

* Grant's Memoirs^ vol. ii, p. 493, etc. ; War Records, vol. xlvi, part iii, p. 665, 667. 

157 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

hood, however mistaken th^nuse, drew forth such hercu- 
lean deeds of valor."^ 

Washington, Lincoln, Grant! What a superb trium- 
virate they make! What a crowning glory they are to 
America and to human nature ! If the American Repub- 
lic, with all its faults, can produce three such men in the 
first century of its existence, while we are yet crude and 
awkward — the '' raw recruit " of the nations — what shall 
we not do, under Christ, in the fullness of time and the 
maturity of our powers, when we become thoroughly 
drilled and disciplined? Clearly great men, and great 
things, yet await us. We are just getting our eyes open, 
and beginning to look around us, and to see who and where 
and what we are. God bless and speed the United States 
of America !^ 

* Grant's Memoirs^ vol, ii, p. 632; War Records^ vol. xlvi, part i, p. 60. 

* See Appendix, p. 385. 

158 



Campaigning and Soldiering 



CHAPTER XII 
Campaigning and Soldiering 

Heretofore I have discoursed about our great com- 
manders chiefly. Now let me say something about our 
rank and file. I fancy few civilians have much idea of 
what army life really is or consists of. They see only the 
rainbows on the outside. They hear only the rolling 
drums and sounding bugles. They see only '' the pride, 
pomp, and circumstance of glorious war " — the marching 
regiments, the shining muskets, the gleaming bayonets, 
the flashing sabers, the streaming colors — and they think 
that magnificent. It is superb. It stirs one's blood. And 
the first exclamation that leaps to one's lips is, " Who 
wouldn't be a soldier !" But a little practical campaigning 
and soldiering changes this considerably, and many a pa- 
triot who enlisted enthusiastically early in 1861 soon 
wished himself home again — and wished it eagerly. 

Let us see if we can realize just a little what army life 
really is. To begin with, a soldier must first bid good-bye 
to home and family or friends, perhaps never to return ; 
and that is a little dampening to one's ardor. Next he 
must be mustered in and sworn to " obey orders " — good 
or bad, wise or otherwise — no matter who the officer over 
him — and that is not always agreeable to an American citi- 
zen. Next he must don heavy woolen clothing, that usual- 
ly fits (or misfits) him wretchedly; because made accord- 
ing to average size, without reference to the individual 
wearer. It is good in cold and stormy weather, but suf- 
focating and intolerable in hot days and nights, especially 
in the latitude of Virginia and Tennessee, or farther 
south. 

11 159 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Then he must learn the^^^anual of arms," to march | 
and drill, and drill and march. And he is marched and ■ 
drilled, and drilled and marched by the hour daily, until 
every muscle aches and every bone seems ready to break. 
Or he is put to policing the camp, v^hich is not '' police " 
duty in common parlance at all, but is the menial and de- 
grading duty of sweeping and cleaning up the dirt and 
refuse, that gather naturally about a regiment or home of 
a thousand men. All soldiers detest this, especially raw ,- 
recruits, because they say they enlisted to march and fight, | 
not to ''police !" | 

Then he must draw his rations and cook them — such as |{ 
he can get and when he can get them. Sometimes good, [f 
often bad. Sometimes " full " rations, when he has || 
enough and to spare; sometimes " light," when he has to 
eke them out the best he can. No cook stoves, of course; 
only rude fires on the ground, with green logs usually (ex- 
cept when he can find ''top" fence rails — vide one of Mc- 
Clellan's orders on the Peninsula, which allowed us to 
take the " top rail ; " but soon, of course, there wasn't any 
" top " rail), and in rainy weather more smoke than fire. 

If ordered suddenly on a march or into battle, he moves 
with three or five days' cooked rations (or none at all, it 
may be) in his soiled and greasy haversack, to last twice 
said time, if need be. If a veteran, he knows how to make 
these last until he gets more, whether the days be more or 
less. He has learned how to " forage," and to find a stray 
pig or chicken, or a hidden ham or potatoes. But if a raw 
recruit, he eats his rations up speedily, as a rule, and takes 
a lesson in how to starve. In due time he learns the best 
part of the ration to be coffee, sugar, hard-tack, and "beef 
on the hoof," and husbands these while he throws all the 
rest away, as impedimenta, as Caesar would say. 

To drill or march all day, heavily loaded down with 
arms and accouterments, ammunition and rations, in 

1 60 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

heat and cold, in sunshine and shower, in dust or mud, is 
bad enough ; but then comes night, with no beds or shelter, 
as a rule, in active campaigning. The best one can expect 
is an armful of grass or broken twigs or bushes under the 
open sky — al fresco. More often only the soft side of a 
rail or the damp ground; sometimes only mud or slush. 
If he has marched or fought all day, any rest is welcome ; 
and he is only too eager for the order, " Halt ! Stack 
arms ! " to drop down by the roadside wherever he may 
be. Of course, at post or in winter quarters he can make 
himself comfortable. Tents can be drawn, huts can be 
built, bunks constructed, etc. But in campaigning and 
soldiering generally, all these have to be left behind (ex- 
cept our little " shelter tents," so called, which amounted 
to but little real shelter), and the actual hardships, ex- 
posures, privations, and miseries of the average private 
soldier and company officer are simply inconceivable to our 
stay-at-home civilians. 

I remember a march that my division (Second Division, 
Third Corps — "Hooker's Old Division") made late in 
November, 1862, from Manassas Junction to Fairfax 
Court House, en route to Falmouth or Fredericksburg, in 
the midst of a wild, wintry storm of wind and rain, that 
took us all day to make twelve or fifteen miles ; and at 
nightfall we bivouacked or camped down by the roadside 
in mud and rain and hail and sleet, to sleep the best we 
could. Nothing but green and wet wood for camp fires, 
and everybody ready to perish with fatigue, exhaustion, 
and cold. It was an awful, horrible experience for over ten 
thousand of us, and I shudder at its recollection even yet. 

Or in the midst of some such horrible march he may be 
ordered to " corduroy " the road, by chopping trees and 
carrying them through the mud and water to the worst 
places ; or to help lift the stalled wagons out of the swamp 
holes ; or to take spades and *' double quick " to the front 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

or flanks to throw up hasg^ intrenchments ; or to help 
build redoubts and forts — pure digging — a kind of " fa- 
tigue " work all soldiers hate, and I do not wonder. The 
Confederates made their Negroes do this, as a rule. But 
our soldiers had to " dig " for themselves. 

But, worse yet, when the day's march or battle is ended, 
he may be ordered on guard as sentry, or on post as picket, 
and while his companions sleep off their fatigues and anx- 
ieties, he must tramp his weary round or stand his "two 
hours on and four off " all night, and the next morning 
must " fall in " with his company, and again march or 
fight all day, it may be. If, overcome by fatigue or ex- 
haustion, he falls out and drops to sleep by the wayside, 
he is liable to arrest and court-martial, with prospect of 
'' ball and chain " or to be '' shot to death by musketry," 
or he is likely to be " gobbled up " by the enemy, and to 
find his way to Libby or Andersonville at last. 

Or, worse yet, he may be ordered into the trenches, and 
must there dig or fight under fire of the artillery or mus- 
ketry of the enemy ; and must crawl or lie there all day, in 
all kinds of weather; or take the chances of having his 
head knocked off by a shell or his body " plugged " by 
Minie balls, if he dares to show himself above the earth- 
works. At nightfall he may be relieved and allowed to 
retire to better and safer quarters ; or he may have to stay 
there, and "see it out" for a week or longer. 

Or, still worse yet, the enemy may make a sortie, or 
we may be ordered to attack, and a partial or general en- 
gagement result; with fierce struggles and desperate on- 
sets and bloody combats, which may leave him minus an 
arm or a leg, or with a hole or two through his body. If 
not killed outright, then comes the hospital, with its dread- 
ed life and maybe awful death; and then the "Dead 
March in Saul " and farewell volley of musketry end all 
things. 

162 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

Or, if there be no serious fighting, that direful scourge 
of the camp and siege, chronic diarrhoea or typhoid fever, 
may ensue, and thousands of brave fellow^s waste away 
into shadows, gaunt and saffron-hued — many thousands 
more than by bullets, as vide McClellan's soldiers on the 
Peninsula and Grant's before Vicksburg. I think we lost 
more men on the lines before Richmond in June, 1862, in 
the heart of the Chickahominy swamps, from diarrhoea 
and fever, than a pitched battle would have cost us — ay, 
twice over, or more. Grant's soldiers suffered in the same 
way on the malarial levees and among the fever-cursed 
bayous of the Mississippi. The mysteries and miseries, 
the awful horrors, of human life under such circumstances 
are simply indescribable. To say that men sickened and 
died there " like sheep," by the thousands and tens of 
thousands, but feebly tells the story. And that was not 
all. For the seeds of disease then and there sown en- 
dured through after years; and thousands and tens of 
thousands more were thus afterward brought to a soldier's 
disabled life or to a soldier's grave as really and truly as if 
they had sickened and died before Richmond and Vicks- 
burg. And the same is alike true of those who campaigned 
and soldiered in the Carolinas, in Tennessee, in Georgia, 
in Louisiana, in Texas, and elsewhere during the war. 

Our losses in actual battle, however, were not so great 
as popularly supposed. Of course, the rush and roar of 
battle and the awful carnage of the battlefield, first and 
last, it goes without saying, cannot be overdrawn. 
Thucydides, Caesar, Thiers, Napier, Comte de Paris, 
Swinton, and Badeau, all have tried it, and failed. As 
Mr. Lincoln once said in my presence : 

"People not there would think everybody was going to 
get killed. It's like a runaway I once saw out in Illinois, 
during a political parade. The two horses bolted through 
the 'shanghai' fence, and ran alongside of it for a quarter 

163 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

of a mile or more, and then Iplted back into the procession 
again. But there was not a buckle broken, nor a trace 
gone, nor a horse much hurt !" 

Our Union regiment which suffered the most during 
the war (Fifth New Hampshire Infantry) lost only two 
hundred and ninety-five men in actually killed and mor- 
tally wounded, from 1861 to 1865, o^^t of one thousand 
or so originally enlisted; and others, of course, still less. 
As a rule, "it takes a man's weight in lead to kill him in 
battle," and in even such severe engagements as Murfrees- 
boro or Stone River it took twenty thousand rounds of 
artillery to hit seven hundred and twenty-eight men, and 
two million rounds of musketry to hit thirteen thousand 
eight hundred and thirty-two men. In other words, 
only one shot told in every one hundred and forty- 
four fired. In the Franco-German War, it took ninety- 
one and one half bullets and one and one half cannon shots 
on an average to even hit a Frenchman. Of the actually 
killed in battle, there was only one chance in about two 
hundred and fifty. In the Crimean War the British fired 
fifteen million shots and killed twenty-one thousand Rus- 
sians, or one to every seven hundred shots. The French 
fired twenty-nine million shots and killed fifty-one thou- 
sand Russians, or one to every five hundred and ninety 
shots. The Russians fired forty-five million shots, at 
both British and French, and killed forty-eight thousand, 
or one to every nine hundred and ten shots. 

During the war we fought over two thousand pitched 
battles and skirmishes — many of them really great en- 
gagements — averaging over one every day in the week, 
Sundays included. We had over three hundred battles 
in which our loss exceeded one hundred men each. We 
fought over one hundred such engagements as Bunker 
Hill, New Orleans, and Buena Vista. The Army of the 
Potomac lost more men in many a morning picket firing 

164 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

than the losses on both sides at the battles of both Trenton 
and Princeton. Nearly every army corps lost more men 
than George Washington lost in the whole of the Revolu- 
tion. Our losses in the whole War of 1812 and with Mex- 
ico did not equal a single day's fighting at Gettysburg or 
Chattanooga. The Crimean campaign did not begin to 
compare with that of Grant against Vicksburg, nor the 
siege of Sebastopol with the siege of Petersburg. And 
Germany's total losses in the Franco-German War did not 
equal ours in the single campaign of 1864 against Rich- 
mond. 

Our total number of enlistments was two million eight 
hundred and sixty-five thousand and twenty-eight, but as 
many of our men enlisted two or three times (for differ- 
ent terms of service), our total number of soldiers and 
sailors was probably about two million. Of these, we 
lost something over one hundred thousand in killed and 
mortally wounded, which was bad enough. But we lost 
nearly three hundred thousand from disease during the 
war, and have been losing largely from the sequences there- 
of every year since. Our ratio of killed was only about five 
per cent, but of deaths from other causes nearly fifteen per 
cent. So that the arrows of disease, invisible and stealthy 
though they be — apparently of small account — were 
nevertheless about three times as fatal and deadly as 
round shot and shells, grape and canister, bullets, bay- 
onets, and sabers. Our losses in killed and wounded, 
however, exceeded those of any other modern war. For 
in the Crimea these were only about three per cent; in 
Austria in 1866, only about two and a half per cent; in 
the Franco-German war, 1870-71, only about three per 
cent ; while in our great Civil War we lost nearly five per 
cent, and the Confederates over nine per cent.^ 

An army is really a city on legs, thoroughly organized 

1 See Appendix, p. 387. Also p. 395. 
165 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and commanded, complete wij:hin itself and a law unto it- 
self. Our great armies East and West seldom moved less 
than a hundred thousand strong, often more, and they 
were as if a whole city, say, like Albany or Columbus or 
Indianapolis, rose up each morning and walked off com- 
plete in everything — clothing, food, medicine, ammuni- 
tion, etc. — and each night camped down again complete 
in all things. The mere organization and command of 
such a body of men, so that everything will work like 
clockwork and ''obey orders," is itself an immense job of 
work, requiring first-class brains. Then transportation, 
clothing, and feeding is another great task, requiring 
an almost divine providence and care. And hence a great 
quartermaster or a great commissary must also be a man 
of brains as well as a great commander. 

Patriotism is a good thing, but the history of all wars 
shows that the soldier must be well clothed, well fed, and 
well paid to be gallant and efficient. Hence the great 
Frederick said : ''An army is like a snake ; it moves upon 
its belly!" And hence Grant and Sherman, Hooker and 
Meade, Thomas and Sheridan, always looked sharp after 
their quartermaster and commissary departments. So, 
too, they were alike careful of their medical department. 
If wounded or sick, soldiers must be well attended, and 
hence ambulances, stretchers, hospitals, etc., were always 
amply provided. There never was a war in which more 
care or better care was given to these humanities than in 
ours. And no great commander omitted to visit his hos- 
pitals regularly. So, also, the pay department was Im- 
portant. Men liked to get their "pay," and to send it to 
their families — in whole or part. 

But all these were only preliminary and preparatory, so 
to speak, to the ordnance or arms department, which sup- 
plied the cannon, muskets, sabers, accouterments, am- 
munition, etc., which are the last analysis of war, and 

i66 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

must be most looked after. The whole constituted a mag- 
nificent and terrible fighting machine — designed and built 
for battle, grim and to the death, savage and barbarous, of 
course, as war is^ — controlled by one eye, directed by one 
hand, commanded by one will, supreme in all things, and 
when that was Grant's, or Sherman's, or Thomas's, or 
Sheridan's, something was certain to happen soon and 
somebody sure to get hurt. 

In thinking it all over now and recalling what we passed 
through, in our four long and terrible years from Sumter 
to Appomattox, it really does seem amazing that we were 
not all either killed or wounded, or so disabled by battle or 
disease that any of us still survive. If anybody questions 
'this, let him go out and rough it in our fields or forests or 
swamps for four years, with only a blanket (often we 
hadn't any or only a poor ''shoddy" one) ; and go barefoot 
for days in fall or winter or spring, as many of us often 
had to when campaigning and soldiering down in Dixie. 
Often have I seen soldiers on the march or standing guard 
wdth only grain sacks or the remains of old blankets about 
their feet. (Valley Forge was bad, but they had log huts 
there and were in a friendly country; but often we had 
only "shelter tents" in winter, as at Fredericksburg, and 
were in the midst of bitter enemies.) This would be bad 
enough of itself ; but add to this the chances of earthquake 
and volcano, of shot and shell, of bayonets and sabers and 
death-dealing strokes from every hill and valley, ravine 
and stream, and then see whether 

"A soldier's life is always gay, 
So why be melancholy, boys, 
So why be melancholy?" 

as we used to sing around our camp fires or on the march, 
when we hadn't anything better to do or sing. 

"I do not believe a man ever stood guard in front of 

> Or, as Sherman once said, " War is hell I " 
167 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the enemy at night," said j^neral Sherman on one oc- 
casion, "or passed through the crash of battle, without in a 
measure its telling upon his physical system. Nor did 
any man ever carry a knapsack, haversack, gun, and am- 
munition on those long marches, sleeping on the ground at 
night, exposed to all kinds of weather, living upon hard- 
tack and other army fare, without injury to him. It may 
not show its effects in ten years or twenty years, but the 
results are sure to come." 

For all this glorious life — such as it was — we paid our 
soldier boys the munificent sum of forty cents a day, in 
green backs, worth fifty cents or less to the dollar, most of 
the war ! Why, we pay our common laborers on the streets 
a dollar and a half a day in gold, even in "hard times,"* 
and they don't take the risk of any such little accidents as 
shot and shell, bayonets and sabers, either. And they do 
not work in bad weather, and are sure of full rations and 
fair quarters every night, too. 

Why, what is it that we do not owe 'the Men of 1861" 
and their widows and orphans ? Is it any wonder we now 
have a large pension roll ? Or is it not more wonderful 
that our old soldiers are not all on the pension roll ? And 
should they not all be there soon, because of what they 
have been and done and suffered for the Republic? Or 
are they now all ''frauds" and "dead beats" and mere 
"pension grabbers," as our anti-pension, latter-day pa- 
triots now allege ? Or, rather, have we not now fallen on 
evil days unworthy of the Republic; days whose humor 
will presently pass away, and the nation turn again to 
honor and gratitude? 

But are we, therefore, sorry we enlisted under the stars 
and stripes and fought for the Union ? No, I think not. 
Hardly an officer or soldier would admit that. Though 
we would like a little more appreciation sometimes ! Even 
our dead had but one regret, and that was, like poor 

168 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

Nathan Hale's in the days of '76, ''that they had but one 
life to give for their country." No, we are not sorry. 
We remember the good fellowship of the camp, the joy of 
the march, the first sight of the enemy, the excitement of 
the skirmish, the fierceness of the battle, the fury of the 
charge, the glory and satisfaction of the victory, the 
triumph of the flag, the salvation of the Republic — and 
our chances of promotion. No, we are not sorry. We 
are glad we enlisted. We are proud to be known as Lin- 
coln's boys and Grant's old soldiers, even as Cromwell's 
men in after years were proud to be known as ''Crom- 
well's old soldiers." God bless the flag! Long live the 
Republic! And thanks be to Almighty God (I speak it 
reverently and with bowed head), 

•* The good ship Union's voyage is o'er, 
At anchor safe she swings, 

While loud and clear, 

With cheer on cheer, 
Her joyous welcome rings. 

Hurrah! Hurrah! It shakes the wave, 
It thunders on the shore, 

One flag, one land. 

One heart, one hand, 
One nation evermore." 

In concluding this chapter on "Campaigning and Sol- 
diering," I do not think I can do better than to quote the 
following remarks of General Sherman in 1875 — his 
mature opinion of things after the war was well over. 
They will be found keen and incisive, as usual with him, 
and eminently suggestive and instructive : 

"Very few of the battles in which I have participated 
were fought as described in European text-books, namely, 
in great masses, in perfect order, maneuvering by corps, 
divisions, and brigades. We were generally in a wooded 
country, and, though our lines were deployed according to 

169 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

tactics, the men generally fou|^it in strong skirmish lines, 
taking the advantage of the snape of ground and of every 
cover. We were generally the assailants, and in wooded 
and broken countries the 'defensive' had a positive ad- 
vantage over us, for they were always ready, had cover, 
and always knew the ground to their immediate front; 
whereas we, their assailants, had to grope our way over 
unknown ground, and generally found a clear field or pre- 
pared entanglements, that held us for a time under a close 
and withering fire. Rarely did the opposing lines in com- 
pact order come into actual contact, but when, as at Peach 
Tree Creek and Atlanta, the lines did become commingled, 
the men fought individually in every possible style, more 
frequently with the musket clubbed than with the bayonet, 
and in some instances the men clinched like wrestlers, and 
went to the ground together. Europeans frequently 
criticised our war, because we did not always take full i 
advantage of a victory ; the true reason was that habitually f 
the woods served as a screen, and we often did not realize .' 
the fact that our enemy had retreated till he was already '• 
miles away and was again intrenched, having left a mere 
skirmish line to cover the movement, in turn to fall back 
to the new position. * * * 

**When a regiment is deployed as skirmishers, and 
crosses an open field or wood under heavy fire, if each 
man runs forward from tree to tree, or stump to stump, 
and yet preserves a good general alignment, it gives great 
confidence to the men themselves, for they always keep 
their eyes well to the right and left, and watch their com- | 
rades ; but when some few hold back, stick too close or too f 
long to a comfortable log, it often stops the line and de- ■' 
feats the whole object. Therefore, the more we improve 
the firearm, the more will be the necessity for good organ- 
ization, good discipline, and intelligence on the part of the 
individual soldier and oflficer. There is, of course, such a 

170 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

thing as individual courage, which has a value in war; 
but familiarity with danger, experience in war and its 
common attendants, and personal habit, are equally val- 
uable traits, and these are the qualities with which we 
usually have to deal in war. All men naturally shrink 
from pain and danger, and only incur their risk from 
some higher motive, or from habit ; so that I would define 
true courage to be a perfect sensibility of the measure of 
danger, and a mental willingness to incur it, rather than 
insensibility of danger, of which I have heard far more 
than I have seen. The most courageous men are gen- 
erally unconscious of possessing the quality; therefore, 
when one professes it too openly, by words or bearing, 
there is reason to mistrust it. I would further illustrate 
my meaning by describing a man of true courage to be 
one who possesses all his faculties and senses perfectly 
when serious danger is actually present. * * * 

''It is related of Napoleon that his last words were, 
'Tefe-d'armcel' Doubtless as the shadow of death ob- 
scured his memory, the last thought that remained for 
speech was of some event when he was directing an im- 
portant 'head of column.' I believe that every general 
who has handled armies in battle must recall from his 
own experience the intensity of thought on some similar 
occasion, when by a single command he had given the 
finishing stroke to some complicated action; but to me 
recurs another thought that is worthy of record, and may 
encourage others who are to follow us in our profession. 
I never saw the rear of an armv engaged in battle but I 
feared that some calamity had happened at the front — the 
apparent confusion, broken wagons, crippled horses, men 
lying about dead and maimed, parties hastening to and 
fro in seeming disorder, and a general apprehension of 
something dreadful about to ensue ; all these signs, how- 
ever, lessened as I neared the front, and there the contrast 

171 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

was complete — perfect orderfUhen and horses full of con- 
fidence, and it was not unusual for general hilarity, 
laughing and cheering. Although cannon might be 
firing, the musketry clattering, and the enemy's shot hit- 
ting close, there reigned a general feeling of strength and 
security that bore a marked contrast to the bloody signs 
that had drifted rapidly to the rear; therefore, for com- 
fort and safety, I surely would rather be at the front than 
the rear line of battle. So also on the march, the head of 
a column moves on steadily, while the rear is alternately 
halting and then rushing forward to close up the gap ; and 
all sorts of rumors, especially the worst, float back to the 
rear. Old troops invariably deem it a special privilege 
to be in the front — to be at the 'head of column' — because 
experience has taught them that it is the easiest and most 
comfortable place, and danger only adds zest and stimulus 
to this fact. 

"The hardest task in war is to lie in support of some 
position or battery, under fire without the privilege of 
returning it ; or to guard some train left in the rear, within | 
hearing but out of danger; or to provide for the wounded \ 
and dead of some corps which is too busy ahead to care for « 
its own. I 

"To be at the head of a strong column of troops, in the l 
execution of some task that requires brain, is the highest | 
pleasure of war — a grim one and terrible, but which leaves j 
on the mind and memory the strongest mark; to detect 
the weak point of an enemy's line; to break through with 
vehemence and thus lead to victory ; or to discover some 
key-point and hold it with tenacity ; or to do some other 
distinct act which is afterward recognized as the real cause 
of success. These all become matters that are never for- 
gotten. Other great difficulties, experienced by every 
general, are to measure truly the thousand and one reports 
that come to him in the midst of conflict; to preserve a 

172 



Campaigning and Soldiering 

clear and well-defined purpose at every instant of time, 
and to cause all efforts to converge to that end. 

*'To do these things he must knov^ perfectly the strength 
and quality of each part of his own army, as well as that of 
his opponent's, and must be where he can personally see 
and observe with his own eyes, and judge with his own 
mind. No man can properly command an army from the 
rear, he must be 'at its front ;' and when a detachment is 
made the commander thereof should be informed of the 
object to be accomplished, and left as free as possible to 
execute it in his own way ; and when an army is divided up 
into several parts, the superior should always attend that 
one which he regards as most important. Some men think 
that modern armies may be so regulated that a general can 
sit in an office and play on his several columns as on the 
keys of a piano ; this is a fearful mistake. The directing 
mind must be at the very head of the army — must be seen 
there, and the effect of his mind and personal energy must 
be felt by every officer and man present with it, to secure 
the best results. Every attempt to make war easy and 
safe will result in humiliation and disaster." — Sherman's 
Memoirs, Vol. II, pages 394, 395, 406-408. 

173 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER XIII 
A Great Quartermaster 

In the previous chapters I have several times alluded 
to the importance of the quartermaster's department. 
This is the department that supplies quarters, barracks, 
storehouses, hospitals, clothing, camp and garrison equi- 
page, horses, mules, harness, wagons, ambulances, forage, 
transportation generally, and the thousand and one other 
things wherein the other departments fail or fall short. 
In short, this is the great business department of an army, 
as distinguished from its mere lighting department, and 
one is essential to the other. 

A good quartermaster is expected to be "sufficient unto 
himself," and to make good the deficiencies of everybody 
else, I think it safe to say, were the secret history of our 
great campaigns in the Civil War known, no great com- 
mander on either side succeeded without a good quarter- 
master. In marked instances they themselves had previ- 
ously been quartermasters — as Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, 
Joe Johnston, and others. 

A signal instance of such an officer, conspicuous in 
many ways and for many things, was General Robert Al- 
len, U. S. A., whom I venture to call a great quarter- 
master. In vindication of the brainy staff, as against the 
fighting line, let us see if we can arrive at some estimate 
of his work and worth, and thus rescue at least one staff 
officer from unmerited oblivion. A West Pointer of the 
class of '36, he performed various duty until the war with 
Mexico, when he was appointed quartermaster of the Ken- 
tucky Cavalry in Taylor's column, that moved via Mon- 
terey; but subsequently was assigned to Twiggs's Division 

174 




Gen. Robert Allen, J864. 



I 



A Great Quartermaster 

in Scott's column, that moved via Vera Cruz to the City of 
Mexico. This was a good position for that war, and Allen 
must have shown sterling qualities already, or General 
Twiggs (himself an old quartermaster) would not have 
selected him for the place. As it was, Allen — then a cap- 
tain only — conducted affairs with marked ability; and it 
was the common remark of Twiggs that his division was 
"the best supplied of any in the army" there. 

The secret of it was that his quartermaster, though 
gifted with a wholesome respect for red tape, was yet not 
afraid to cut it, when the occasion demanded. With much 
native tact and sagacity, he readily adapted himself to the 
changed condition of men and things in Mexico, and thus 
availed himself of all the resources of the country as Scott 
advanced. Scouring the haciendas far and wide, he found 
no lack of transport and rations, where other officers re- 
ported little; and when one method failed his fertile in- 
tellect soon devised another. After the fall of the City of 
Mexico he was placed in charge of our main depot there, 
and continued in charge of it until our final evacuation of 
the country. 

That war left him a brevet major (a high rank in those 
days), "for gallant and meritorious conduct" at Cerro 
Gordo and elsewhere. Soon afterward he was ordered to 
California. Of course, when Sumter fell, and our Army 
jumped suddenly from thirteen thousand men to over half 
a million, with neariy a quarter of our old officers gone— 
"seceded" to Jeff Davis and the Confederacy— a quarter- 
master of such character and efficiency could not be al- 
lowed to fossilize on the Pacific Coast. Accordingly Al- 
len, like Sheridan (then also on the Pacific Coast), was 
soon ordered East, and in October, 1861, was assigned to 
duty at St. Louis. 

Fremont was still there, but his quartermaster (McKin- 
stry) had already been relieved, and he himself was be- 
12 175 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ginning to grow dimly cona^us of his coming collapse. 
He attempted to combat his fate ; and, regarding Allen as 
probably hostile, sought his removal. But Allen was 
backed up too strongly from Washington, and was himself 
too fertile of expedients to be caught napping. It was re- 
lated at the time, and doubtless truly, that Fremont main- 
tained such absolute control and espionage of the mails 
and telegraphs that no communication conflicting with 
his wishes could leave St. Louis. His new quartermaster, 
however, "flanked" this arrangement, by dispatching his 
letters and telegrams by special messengers to Springfield, 
111., and Indianapolis, Ind., to be forwarded from there! 

In due time, however, Fremont reached his level, and 
was succeeded by Halleck, "Old Brains," as he was then 
called. With true military sagacity he called in and 
concentrated the scattered forces of Fremont's command, 
and soon brought to bear upon the unshapely masses his 
undoubted talent for organization and discipline. The 
"note of preparation" resounded everywhere throughout 
his department, but was especially audible at St. Louis 
and Cairo, which in the hands of Allen soon became great 
beehives of industry and energy. Into these two depots 
men and materiel poured from all quarters, and they early 
took rank as the Washington and Fortress Monroe of the 
West. 

In February, 1862, General Halleck authorized Grant's 
movements up the Tennessee and the Cumberland, that 
resulted soon in the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson. 
The thrilling efifects of these great victories history will 
never forget, appalled as we were by the dreary inaction or 
sickening disasters of our armies elsewhere. In these 
important movements, Allen (now a full colonel) shared 
largely. It will be noted that these movements were en- 
tirely by water, so that in addition to the general outfit and 
supply of the troops — no small job then — ^he had also to 

176 



A Great Quartermaster 

provide river transportation for about everything. When 
it is recollected that our forces thus equipped and moved 
were at least double the number of our total old Regular 
Army, it will be seen that his task was no easy one for that 
period of the war. How great it was then, it is now hard 
to comprehend. 

We had four years of huge experience in war matters 
after that, during which our quartermaster's department 
was educated up, from its former petty work, to the sup- 
plying and moving of a million of men. But then (Feb- 
ruary, 1862) everything was new and cranky. Our lines 
of supply even had not yet been determined. Our re- 
sources were unknown ; our contractors still untried. Bar- 
racks, storehouses, hospitals were to be built; corrals 
started; repair shops inaugurated; steamboats and rail- 
roads acquired; and horses, mules, wagons, ambulances, 
harness, forage, clothing, tents, equipage — everything, 
provided. 

The "Volunteers" themselves as yet were an experi- 
ment ; and the newly-fledged quartermasters, as a rule, did 
not know a ''requisition" from an "invoice," nor an "ab- 
stract" from a "property return." It was under such con- 
ditions, raw and unformed, that the depots at St. Louis, 
Cairo, etc., had literally to be created — ^built up from 
nothing — and Grant's heavy force equipped, moved, and 
followed up, as he advanced into Kentucky and Tennessee. 
Yet the official reports show that Allen did the job well, 
and was warmly commended for his ability and judgment, 
his vigor and efficiency.^ 

Some idea of what our quartermaster's department was, 
prior to the Civil War, may be formed from the following 
extract from Report of Quartermaster General, i860, page 
189 of the volume of "President's Message and Accom- 
panying Documents" for that year. He says : "At the 

* Reports of Secretary of War and Quartermaster General, 1862, etc. 
177 



Men and Things I Saw In Civil War Days 

end of the last fiscal year, the ipimber of clerks employed in 
this office was reduced from thirteen to eleven." ( !) That 
is, less than many a post quartermaster had to employ in 
the years 1861 to 1865. Joseph E. Johnston, afterward 
lieutenant general, C. S. A., was then quartermaster gen- 
eral, U. S. A., and he begged for ''two more" ( !) clerks to 
bring up certain back "claims of quartermaster employees 
for military bounty land." As contrasted with these 
eleven clerks, in i860, in December, 1865, the quarter- 
master general's office reported over five hundred clerks, 
and its work was still in arrears.^ 

Subsequently, after Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, when 
Halleck himself went to the front and advanced on Cor- 
inth, he took Allen along and advised freely with him. 
Halleck, while a prodigy of industry and an encyclopedia 
of knowledge, it goes without saying now, was a great 
red tapist, believing in the ''circumlocution office," but 
he was soldier enough to know his own defects as a com- 
mander in the field. 

Allen, on the contrary, always had a dislike for mere 
forms; and was gifted besides with that consummate 
comprehension and knowledge of affairs, seemingly in- 
tuitive, w^hich Mr. Lincoln used to define so well by that 
homely phrase "horse-sense." 

Of really poetic tastes and liberal culture — few Army 
officers being so well versed in letters — Allen yet pos- 
sessed enough common sense as to all practical matters to 
make the fortunes of half a dozen brigadiers — as they run. 
Had he chosen command instead of logistics, there is good 
reason to believe he would have made one of our most 
successful generals. As it was, his union with Halleck 
in the West, as his chief quartermaster and trusted friend, 
gave our army there the benefit of their mutual gifts, and 
resulted altogether most favorably for the country. 

1 Report of General M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster General, U. S. A., 1865. 



A Great Quartermaster 

When Halleck was ordered East, later in 1862, as a sort 
of general in chief or confidential adviser to the War De- 
partment, Colonel Allen was sent back to St. Louis, as the 
then natural brain of the quartermaster's department in 
the great West. From there he directed the supplies, 
that followed up and sustained the army of General Cur- 
tis, in its arduous campaign through Missouri and Arkan- 
sas, which resulted in the victory of Pea Ridge and oc- 
cupancy of Helena. At the same time he kept the Cum- 
berland, the Tennessee, and the Mississippi swarming 
with transports, bearing men and supplies to Rosecrans, 
Grant, Sherman, and Pope, as they operated in turn 
against Murfreesboro, Island No. 10, Memphis, Chicka- 
saw Bluffs, and down the Mississippi generally. When at 
last, in 1863, Grant withdrew from all minor points, and 
concentrating his forces sat down with the grimness of 
destiny before Vicksburg, convinced, like Scipio before 
Carthage, that Vicksburg must be taken ("Delenda est 
Carthago'') as the vital condition of success in the Missis- 
sippi Valley, the quartermaster's department in the West 
was, indeed, put upon its mettle. 

Our force operating about Vicksburg, when Grant got 
fairly to work, was never much less than one hundred 
thousand men, and, say, fifty thousand animals — private, 
artillery, cavalry, draught, all included. To these must 
be added, say, fifty thousand men and twenty-five thou- 
sand animals more, that were scattered from Vicksburg to 
St. Louis, along the Mississippi, and through the States of 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas. All of 
these were depending on St. Louis, directly or indirectly, 
for almost everything they used or consumed. Not only 
clothing, camp and garrison equipage, forage, and general 
quartermaster supplies had to be provided and pushed 
forward; but subsistence, ordnance, medical stores, etc., 
also must go; and the quartermaster's department, of 

179 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

course, was charged with tj^ duty of forwarding the 
whole. 

When it is remembered that Vicksburg is over eight 
hundred miles from St. Louis, and that all troops and sup- 
plies had to be collected and forwarded either from that 
base or from Cairo or Cincinnati — its two outlying de- 
pendencies — and that all the unserviceable mateyiel, 
broken-down animals, and sick and wounded men that 
were constantly accumulating at the front, had to be re- 
transported to the rear and disposed of somehow, some 
idea may be formed of the kind of brain and nerve then 
required by the chief quartermaster at St. Louis. Yet our 
official reports show that Allen managed affairs there so 
ably and skillfully that our army before Vicksburg and in 
all that military division never wanted long or materially 
for anything.^ 

Indeed, the quartermaster's department in the West, 
from almost nothing in 1861, had grown into a vast and 
potent machine, with a weak wheel here, perhaps, and a 
rotten cog there, yet, as a whole, its operations were amaz- 
ing in extent and wonderful for general excellence. As its 
chief, Allen presided over everything, remaining mostly 
at St. Louis, but taking flying trips also to Cincinnati, 
Louisville, Cairo, and down the Mississippi generally, to 
see how matters fared. St. Louis was the primary base, 
but he established a secondary depot at Memphis, which 
ultimately grew into large proportions; and, of course, 
still another at the front, which shifted its position as the 
front itself shifted. Both of these were placed in charge 
of able and efficient chiefs; but the immediate charge of 
the great depot at St. Louis was retained by himself, as- 
sisted by a corps of subordinate quartermasters. 

A most difficult and widespread organization was thus 

* Reports of Secretary of War, General Grant, and General Meigs (quartermaster gen- 
eral), 1863. 

180 



A Great Quartermaster 

created and commanded, and supplies of all kinds pushed 
forward to Vicksburg and elsewhere, with almost the 
beneficence of Providence and certainty of fate. To the 
casual observer much may have — must have — seemed 
chaotic and confused. But there was a governing mind 
controlling the whole ; and the result was a generous abun- 
dance at the front of all necessary things, that must have 
delighted the heart of General Grant and put life into his 
gallant army. 

Of course, with such a general as Grant to command 
and fight — sagacious, intrepid, resourceful, unyielding as 
fate — and such a quartermaster as Allen to back his opera- 
tions, Vicksburg w-as bound to fall, and with its fall the 
Mississippi flowed ''unvexed" from Cairo to the Gulf. 
This was our first really great success of the war, and 
verily ^'bisected the Confederacy." It was really another 
death wound, like Gettysburg in the East on the same day 
(July 4, 1863), and those two great victories taken to- 
gether made that Fourth of July memorable in history 
forever. 

With the fall of Vicksburg there was a lull in affairs in 
the valley of the Mississippi. But soon again ''the note 
of preparation" sounded, and transportation and supplies 
were called for, for the troops that moved in various direc- 
tions; and, subsequently, for Sherman's heavy column 
that moved first from Meridian to Memphis, strengthen- 
ing as it moved, and then struck boldly off across the 
country, through the heart of Tennessee, to succor the 
Army of the Cumberland, then beleaguered by Bragg at 
Chattanooga. 

Without notice or requisition from Sherman (so secret- 
ly did he move). General Allen nevertheless "divined" the 
march of this column, and on his own responsibility hur- 
ried steamers up the Tennessee, that met the column at 
Eastport, and ferried it over zvithont delay. This fore- 

181 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

sight much facihtated this g^t march, and speeded Sher- 
man to Chattanooga in time to share in the signal victories 
of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. 

These were conspicuous events, known to everybody in 
the West. But, meanwhile, as a part of his lesser duties, 
Allen was also furnishing transportation and supplies to 
the troops in New Mexico, Utah, and across the plains 
generally, and he also fitted out and followed up various 
Indian expeditions operating in what are now Dakota, 
Wyoming, and Montana. The troops engaged in these, 
to be sure, were not numerous ; but their lines of supply 
were extended and hazardous (no railroad west of the 
Missouri then), and the work required both forethought 
and sagacity. 

Now, however, came a change, and a still larger sphere 
of duty. In fact, a little before this, early in the fall of 
1863, Allen was ordered to move his station from St. 
Louis to Louisville; but not to release his hold upon St. 
Louis.^ Chickamauga had been fought, Rosecrans had re- 
treated to Chattanooga, where he was closely besieged, and 
disaster and gloom impended over our cause in the South- 
west generally. Our successes down the Mississippi were 
being overclouded by these more recent events in Tennes- 
see and Georgia ; and the problem was how to restore our 
prestige and advance our arms in that important quarter. 
General Grant himself, ''the hero of Donelson and Vicks- 
burg," as he was then chiefly known, was ordered post- 
haste from New Orleans to Chattanooga (though lame 
and on crutches, from the fall of his horse) — the Secre- 
tary of War meeting him at Louisville en route. And 
Allen was directed to grapple with the question of supplies, 

' The immediate charge of St. Louis he now committed to General William Myers, 
U. S. A., of whom he afterward said with characteristic generosity : " More work, with 
less pretension, has been accomplished at that point than any other under mj' control, and 
I accord to General Myers the chief merit of its performance. He has never been appalled 
by the magnitude or complication of his dvities, but has done his work with cheerfulness 
and alacrity." — " Annual Report" of General Allen, 1865. 

182 



A Great Quartermaster 

as Nashville and points below called for them. Quarter- 
master General Meigs himself hastened from Washington 
to Chattanooga, to watch matters in person, so critical was 
the situation. 

Evidently there was now heavy work to be done at 
Louisville, Nashville, and beyond ; both as to organization 
and management. For our troops at Chattanooga, though 
already on half rations and their animals starving by the 
thousands, were soon to be nearly or quite doubled by 
those moving to their relief. The problem looked not 
merely to the succor and relief of Chattanooga, which was 
a fait accompli by the superb victory of Missionary Ridge, 
November, 1863 ; but also to the equipment and supply of 
Sherman's formidable column, consolidated from the ar- 
mies of the Ohio, the Cumberland, and the Tennessee, 
that it was proposed in the spring of 1864 to direct on 
Atlanta and beyond, if possible. 

Here was work of itself sufficient to overwhelm, if not 
appall, most brigadiers. For it was computed that Sher- 
man's total force for his great campaign, to wind up with 
his ''March down to the Sea," including those to be left 
behind in Tennessee and Kentucky to hold the country 
and guard his railroads back to the Ohio, would seldom 
fall much, if any, below one hundred and fifty thousand 
men and, say, seventy-five thousand animals. And this was 
found to be the case afterward. But, in addition to this, 
as if to see how much could be heaped upon one pair of 
shoulders, General Allen was also charged with the supply 
of all our troops up and down the Mississippi and across 
the plains and through our Territories, the same as before ; 
and his ''reports" and "property returns" ( 1864-65) show, 
that in the aggregate this "job" was not greatly inferior 
to the other. 

To meet the demands of his new position, he was now 
designated "Chief Quartermaster of the valley of the Mis- 

183 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

sissippi" (he had already bpn promoted to the rank of 
brigadier general) ; and vested with the necessary author- 
ity, accordingly. This did not suit General Sherman, 
however, who now insisted upon Allen's joining him in 
the field, as chief quartermaster of his combined armies, 
and applied for him with that view, proposing to confide 
to him a wide discretion. Allen, also, was now desirous 
of active field service, as he had been tied down to depots 
in the rear for so large a part of the war, and so he pro- 
ceeded to join General Sherman, then near Kingston, Ga. ; 
supposing that Sherman's application would, of course, be 
granted. But it was refused by Secretary Stanton, on 
the ground that General Allen's services were of more 
value to the government at Louisville — in fact, indispen- 
sable — in the position he then occupied, as chief quarter- 
master of the valley of the Mississippi, "in which several 
armies were operating," rather than merely "directing the 
transportation and supplies of one army in the field, al- 
ready equipped and provided." 

The really colossal work Allen was now called on to 
grapple with is thus summed up, in part, in his "Annual 
Report" for 1865: 

"It (Nashville) drew heavily upon the resources of the 
country, already partially exhausted by requisition from 
other quarters. The heaviest items were purchased at re- 
mote points — remote, I mean, from the base of operations 
— and their transportation monopolized and taxed to their 
utmost all the steamboats on the Western zvaters, and all 
the rolling stock on the Western and Soiithzve stern rail- 
roads. It was a herculean task to collect, transfer, and 
concentrate at one point horses and mules by the hundreds 
of thousands, corn and oats by the million of bushels, hay 
by the tens of thousands of tons, wagons and ambulances 
by the tens of thousands — fitted out with harness, etc. — - 
subsistence stores by the hundreds of thousands of tons, 

184 



A Great Quartermaster 

and miscellaneous articles in the aggregate proportionably 
large. At the same time, immense trains of railroad 
stock, engines, cars, etc., were brought from the East, 
crossed over the Ohio River at Louisville,^ and sent for- 
ward to transfer the stores from Nashville to the front." 

In this terse but graphic statement, it will be observed, 
he says nothing about clothing, camp and garrison equi- 
page, nor ordnance stores, nor medical supplies — all very 
large for such a campaign — nor about troops, well and 
disabled, whose transportation alone, to and from the 
front, must have constituted a huge item likewise. 

In brief, to make up his supplies and keep them up, he 
had to lay the whole North under contribution. He re- 
solved to sustain Sherman, at all hazards and at whatever 
cost, if there was power and money enough in the govern- 
ment to do it; and right well did he keep his resolution. 
He drew heavily on all the chief depots East, as far indeed 
as Boston, for clothing, equipage, and general quarter- 
master stores; and literally ransacked the Northwest for 
horses, mules, corn, oats, hay, and whatever else it pos- 
sessed that Sherman needed. The whole was concentrat- 
ed on the Ohio and Mississippi, and thence poured into 
Nashville and other points as required, by railroad and 
steamboat via the Cumberland and the Tennessee, until all 
such dependencies were duly supplied and kept supplied. 
Nashville became one vast storehouse and corral, with 
warehouses covering whole blocks, one of them over a 
quarter of a mile long, with corrals and stables by the ten 
and twenty acres each, and repair shops by the fieldful. 

Thus Sherman's great campaign became preeminently 
a success ; primarily, of course, because of his own great 
genius as a military commander, born soldier that he was ; 
but also largely because his Quartermaster's Department 
throughout sustained itself so excellently. Before his 

* There was no bridge there then. 
185 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

campaign began, it was scai^ly believed, in high quarters, 
that this could be done. To supply an army of such a 
magnitude, over a single line of faulty railroad, hundreds 
of miles from its true base, w^as a new and untried thing.* 

The best soldiers in Europe pronounced the attempt 
quixotic, and the War Department and Mr. Lincoln, it 
must be confessed, grew more and more nervous, as Sher- 
man plunged deeper and deeper into Georgia. The Army 
of the Potomac, not much more numerous as a whole, 
professed to be baffled by it, again and again ; it never got 
a hundred miles away from its base at Washington on a 
single-track railroad; and experienced quartermasters 
East and West, of acknowledged capacity, were dubious 
as to the result. But Allen and his subordinates, at Nash- 
ville, Chattanooga, and elsewhere, accepted the task, and 
not only ''filled the bill," but did it magnificently.^ 

In his ''Of^cial Report of the Atlanta Campaign" Sher- 
man said: ''From that day to this (May i to September 
15, 1864) stores have been brought forward in zvonderftd 
abundance, with a siirphis that has enabled me to feed the 
army well during the zvhole period of time." It is not 
often that the quartermaster's department gets such gen- 
erous recognition. But Sherman could well afford it ; for 
the whole problem of his campaign was wrapped up in 
this one question of transportation and supplies, as no one 
more willingly conceded than that great captain himself 
always.^ 

With the fall of Atlanta and Sherman's departure for 

1 It is true he had river transportation also, via the Cumberland and the Tennessee to 
Nashville part of the year. But from Louisville south there was only a single track road 
to Nashville about two htmdred miles, and it was one hundred and fifty-one miles more 
to Chattanooga, and one hundred and thirty-eight more to Atlanta, or nearly five hundred 
in all from the Ohio — his true base. 

• Several of his officers were of great ability and singular devotion — particularly the 
Senior and Supervising Quartermaster at Nashville, General J. L._ Donaldson, another 
West Pointer of rare gifts and superior merit — but it does not come within the scope of this 
chapter to particularize further. 

'In his "Official Report of Atlanta Campaign," speaking of this, Sherman franklv says: 
''I know more solicitude was felt by the Lieutenant General commanding, and by the mil- 
itary world at large, on this, than on any other one problem involved in the success of the 
campaign. — IVar Records,, vol. xxxviii, part i, p. 84. 

186 



A Great Quartermaster 

Savannah, General Thomas soon coupled the defeat 
and almost annihilation of Hood before Nashville. This 
ended the war, practically, in the West; and though 
General Allen continued to send large supplies to Nash- 
ville, and down the Mississippi generally, until after the 
surrender of Lee and Johnston, yet his chief work was 
over. 

It is true, he ''lent a hand" in the transportation East of 
the Twenty-third Corps, in the spring of 1865; and had 
considerable to do in fitting out and following up various 
cavalry expeditions into East Tennessee and West Virginia 
soon afterward ; and also was somewhat busy again later 
in the season, when Sherman's and Thomas's veterans re- 
turned to Louisville for muster out and retransportation 
to their homes. But all this was "child's play," compared 
with the multiplied and herculean labors he had performed 
throughout the war, and for which he was duly brevetted 
major general to date from March 13, 1865. 

To present some of his work a little more specifically, I 
give the following figures from official reports ; which, it 
is submitted, speak for themselves. From October i, 
1861, to June 30, 1865, he received and disbursed himself, 
on account of the United States, $106,694,657.24. Dur- 
ing the same period there was disbursed at St. Louis, un- 
der his direction, $90,799,435.88 in addition. That is to 
say, during the said period, he made and controlled an 
aggregate expenditure of $197,494,093.12 of the public 
funds. His total disbursements during the Civil War, 
including those prior to October i, 1861, and subsequent 
to June 30, 1865, exceeded $200,000,000 — a greater sum, 
I venture to say, than was ever handled by a single quar- 
termaster in this or any other country, during an equal 
period of time. And not a dollar of it stolen or misappro- 
priated. To gain some idea of the magnitude of this 
amount, and what it represents, and what the Civil War 

187 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

cost us, it may not be amiss |^ add, that the total disburse- 
ments of the quartermaster's department for i860 by all its 
officers — from Boston to San Francisco, and from the 
Lakes to the Gulf — were only about $6,000,000 ! 

To enumerate the supplies purchased and transported 
by this great sum of money is, of course, impracticable. 
But a few of the principal items are suggestive, to wit: 
26,234,423 bushels of oats; 8,864,173 bushels of corn; 
337,518 tons of hay; 100,364 horses; 75,329 mules; 
60,854 sets of harness; 6,638 wagons; 1,269 ambulances. 

Other heavy items will occur to the reader, but those 
above cited are difficult to realize, so vast are the figures. 
Suppose we try to. For example, if you hitch six mules 
to each of his wagons, the usual army team, and allow sixty 
feet to each team and wagon, the usual marching distance 
when teams are well "closed up," they would extend about 
seventy-five miles. If you hitch two more of the mules to 
each of his ambulances, and allow forty feet to each team 
and ambulance, their usual marching distance, they would 
extend about ten miles more. This would still leave about 
forty thousand of his mules ungeared. If you put these 
in column, two by two, and allow fifteen feet to each span, 
which is as close as they can well travel, they would stretch 
out about forty-eight miles farther. If to these we add 
the surplus horses, at the same rate, they would extend 
one hundred and fifty miles more. That is, altogether, 
they would constitute an army train or traveling caravan 
two hundred and eighty-three miles long ; which is forty- 
three miles farther than from New York to Washington ; 
or, to turn the other way, the train would reach from New 
York, through Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New 
Hampshire, to Portsmouth. 

If now his wagons are driven up to his huge pile of for- 
age, and loaded at the rate of two thousand pounds to each 
wagon, the usual marching load, it would take one million 

188 



A Great Quartermaster 

eighty-seven thousand one hundred and seventy-eight 
wagons more to move the remainder of his oats, corn, 
and hay. These wagons all put in line, with teams in 
marching order, would extend to the enormous distance 
of twelve thousand two hundred and fifty-seven miles, or 
more than half around the earth. If, in addition, we 
were to load up the clothing and the tentage which he re- 
ceived and issued, of which no figures are given above, we 
would require several thousands of wagons more. 

To load up the rest of his quartermaster stores, such as 
iron, coal, lumber, lime, hardware, paints, oils, rope, etc., 
would complete a wagon train that, altogether, would 
belt the globe. If now at the head of this grand column 
we were to place his garrison equipage, in the hands of his 
numerous civilian employees (clerks, mechanics, team- 
sters, laborers, etc. ) , amounting to the many thousands — 
at Nashville alone over twelve thousand in 1865 — with 
orders to "Forward, march !" what a blare of bugles, and 
what a flutter and waving of guidons and colors there 
would be! 

Such was Robert Allen : soldier, gentleman. Christian 
— a great staff officer ; an American and a quartermaster 
of whom we may well be proud. I had the honor to serve 
under him nearly two years (1863-65), chiefly at Nash- 
ville, Tenn. 

Other good quartermasters we had, such as Rucker, at 
Washington; Donaldson, at Nashville; Ingalls, in the 
Army of the Potomac; and Easton, in the Army of the 
Mississippi. All these were great and brainy officers, too 
— all old West Pointers, of course. I knew and honored 
them all. But Allen, I think, outtopped them all, and will 
live in history as the Great Quartermaster of our Civil 
War. 

189 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



CHAPTER XIV 
The Angel of the Third Corps 

It is true that our mothers and sisters, our wives and 
sw^eethearts, did not do any fighting during the war. They 
did not carry muskets, nor swing sabers, nor storm bat- 
teries, nor even campaign and march with us. But they 
did pretty much everything else; and in many instances 
and on frequent occasions they felt the war even more 
keenly than the average officer and soldier did. They 
scraped lint ; they made havelocks and hospital bandages ; 
they packed our knapsacks; they cheered us as we left; 
they prayed for us while absent ; and they welcomed our 
return. They were our faithful allies in the rear, and 
with cheerful hearts sent their bravest and best to the 
front for four long years, though certain of heart-break- 
ing news sooner or later. Alas, how "long" they were to 
many a poor lady ! 

So, too, these allies thronged our hospitals and hospital 
boats, both at the front and in the rear; and by their an- 
gelic presence and divine sympathy saved many a poor 
fellow's life, or eased and comforted his dying hours. So, 
too, they organized ''vSoldiers' Children's Homes" all over 
the North, where the orphan children of our soldiers 
would be tenderly cared for and educated, and future 
homes provided for them. What nobler work could there 
be than this? 

I did not meet ''Mother Bickerdyke," of Western mem- 
ory ; but I did meet Miss Gilson, of Eastern memory, and 
beg to record some recollections of her here. For over 
two years she came under my frequent observation in the 
Army of the Potomac; and I personally knew her, and 

190 



The Angel of the Third Corps 

esteemed her greatly. Her full name was Helen L. Gil- 
son, and she was from Chelsea, near Boston. She was a 
young lady of beauty and culture, bred in the best New 
England ways — and there are no better ways anywhere. 
She came down to the army and entered upon hospital life, 
solely because of her intense New England patriotism and 
high sense of Christian duty. 

She did not linger at Washington or Alexandria, as 
many other nurses did; but joined the army, ready for 
field duty, with her own stout wagons and horses, camp 
equipage, etc., complete, at her own charge and expense. 
She had her carriage, for bad weather, but generally rode 
on horseback — a perfect horsewoman — and a handsome 
picture she made on the background of army life ; well but 
never showily attired, and reining her thoroughbred well 
in hand. She was never alone, but always accompanied 
by an elderly gentleman — I think the mayor of Chelsea or 
some other old home friend. 

At parades and reviews she was often in evidence, and 
apparently enjoyed such military spectacles; but did not 
affect the society of our brigadiers and their staff officers, 
charmed as many were with ner. Nor did she repel our 
gold-laced Hotspurs, but went on her own sweet way 
among both officers and men, wherever her chosen hospi- 
tal work took her. Many a young aid and surgeon or as- 
sistant surgeon fell desperately in love with her, but all 
their sighings and pleadings were in vain — she seemed to 
be as cold as Minerva and as chaste as Diana; or as if 
already vowed to another, and meaning to keep her vow. 

I met her first at the White House, Virginia, on the Pen- 
insula, in June, 1862, where she was serving on a hospital 
boat, nursing our sick and wounded, after the battle of 
Fair Oaks, or Seven Pines, as the Confederates call it. 
We were lying in front of Richmond, and T had been sent 
back to the White House for clothing, camp equipage, 

13 IQI 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

etc., and not getting throug^with my requisitions had to 
stay all night there. There was no hotel there — the White 
House was merely an army depot ; and I was given quar- 
ters on her boat for the night, with some other like offi- 
cers. After supper we gathered on deck and chatted for 
a long time, on that mild June evening, rehearsing our 
various experiences — Miss Gilson among us. She spun 
her "yarns" with the rest of us ; but all so modestly and in- 
telligently, that everybody was delighted with her. We 
parted reluctantly, all expressing a hope we might some 
time meet again. 

A month or so afterward, along early in July, after Mc- 
Clellan's famous "change of base" to Harrison's Landing, 
or "the Seven Days' Battle," as it was euphemistically 
called, I was going down the James River on a hospital 
boat myself, burning up with the Chickahominy fever 
(about as bad as the "Santiago fever," I guess!), when 
the door of my stateroom quietly opened and in stepped 
Miss Gilson, with a bowl of iced lemonade — the first "ice" 
I had seen that summer. She did not recognize me at 
first, I was so sallow and wan and fever-stricken, and used 
up. But I quickly recognized her, and really thought her 
an angel or something akin to one, and I have never drunk 
a draught that seemed half so good as that iced lemonade ! 
Then she sopped my head with ice water, and bathed my 
face and hands, and presently also recognized me. But I 
soon dropped into a deep sleep, from which I did not 
awake until we reached Fortress Monroe. Ill as I was, I 
had been in the saddle, for two or three days and nights 
most of the time, as necessitated by that strategic "change 
of base ;" and now was en route for home on sick leave. 
I had read about "the angel of the camp," etc. But here 
was one in propria persona. 

Afterward I often saw her riding and driving through 
the army, but remember her particularly in the great field 

192 



A Great Quartermaster 

hospitals at Potomac Creek, after the bloody battles of 
Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, Va., 1862-63. She 
was dressing wounds and nursing the sick there, a good 
Samaritan in very deed. In the intervals of this Christ- 
like work she would read religious and patriotic pieces to 
our poor fellows, or sing like a seraph. She was never 
careless in her dress, but was always simply and tastefully 
habited, if the only lady present; and she usually wore a 
white veil twined about her head to hold back her abun- 
dant chestnut hair. 

During all those dark days of the winter and spring of 
1862-63, she made her headquarters with the Third Corps, 
and moved about our vast hospital tents there a vision of 
grace and beauty, as well as of charity and mercy. It is 
no wonder that our Boys in Blue of the old Third Army 
Corps christened her our "Angel of the Corps;" our 
American ''Florence Nightingale;" and, like the British 
heroes of the Crimea, with the original Florence Nightin- 
gale, ''turned to kiss her shadow on the wall," as she 
passed along the hospital wards. 

During the winter of 1862-63, while we lay near Fal- 
mouth, Va., many colored people were also brought into 
our hospitals; poor abandoned slaves, broken down and 
used up and abandoned because no longer of any use to 
their masters; all suffering from unspeakable hardships 
and exposures. But Miss Gilson cared for these poor 
fellow-creatures, just as gently and tenderly as for our 
Union soldiers. For they were all God's creatures in her 
eyes ; and should they not all have the same kindly care ? 

I remember one poor slave boy, thirteen or fourteen 
years old, that was brought into our camp while we lay at 
Boscobel, near Falmouth (a former plantation of George 
Washington's, I believe). He had been abused and neg- 
lected, and his limbs were so frost-bitten and injured that 
he had to have both feet amputated, and thus be made a 

193 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

helpless cripple for life. But ^ss Gilson cheered and com- 
forted him, sat by his side for days, taught him to read 
and write, read and sang to him by the hour, as well as 
prayed for him and taught him how to pray; and thus 
charmed his pains and sorrows away. I never knew 
what became of him afterward; but I suppose that some 
kind man or woman got him North into a good *'Home," 
after the war closed. 

After Chancellorsville, she went to Gettysburg with the 
Army of the Potomac, I believe, or joined it soon after- 
ward, and continued with it until 1864, or thereabouts. 
Then she went down to South Carolina, to look after the 
f reedmen there ; believing that they needed her most. She 
continued there, nursing and teaching in the camps and 
hospitals and on the plantations there, until the close of the 
war. But I was ord-ered West in November, 1863, and 
never saw her afterward. After the war, she married 
some worthy Massachusetts man ; but she is now many 
years deceased. The "Third Army Corps Union," I am 
glad to say, subsequently erected a handsome monument 
to her, at Chelsea, Mass. ; but her life-record is her own 
best monument. No purer patriot, or nobler lady, or truer 
American lived during our great Civil War ; and I beg to 
lay upon her distant New England grave this passing trib- 
ute to her memory. 

194 




GENERAL JAMES FOWLER RUSLING, U. S. VOLS. 
From a photograph, 1866. ^tat. 32. 



Some Army Letters 

CHAPTER XV 
Some Army Letters 

While in the Army, it was my habit to write home 
every Sunday. Not models of Hterature and philosophy; 
but simple army letters, such as many an officer and soldier 
wrote home at that time. My people preserved most of 
them, and when I got home handed them back to me ; and 
here follow many of them. They are given substantially 
as written, except some privacies of no account to the gen- 
eral reader. If dull at times, they are at least true and 
faithful pictures of army life, as we lived it at the time; 
and I trust they will not be without some historic value. 
They were not written for publication, but for the private 
perusal of my own family and friends; and doubtless 
will prove all the more interesting and welcome to many 
on that account. At all events, I commit them to the 
reader for what they may be worth, as genuine and 
real experiences of campaigning and soldiering from 
1 86 1 to 1865, in both the Army of the Potomac and the 
Department of the Cumberland. I beg pardon in advance 
for many shortcomings, and especially for constant 
"egoism" — inseparable, of course, from such letters. 

My regiment left Trenton, N. J., Thursday, August 29, 
1861,^ and reached Washington, D. C, next day. We 
went into camp on Capitol Hill, a mile or so east of the 
capitol, and here follow said letters in order : 

''Camp Burlington, Washington, D. C. ) 
Sept. 8, 1861. Sunday afternoon. ) 

"Dear Brother: Yours of fourth was duly received. 
I intended to write home ere this, but a multiplicity of 
matters has prevented. 

* Was commissioned August 24, 1861. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"I am very well, and very^ontent. Am pleased far 
better than I expected to be. Have already got the camp 
into v^orking order, and this coming week will have little 
to do. Last week I worked very hard. Think I must 
have averaged from six to ten hours in the saddle every 
day. My resolve was to complete our equipments at once, 
while here at headquarters, and so save harder work here- 
after. The field and staff all say I have succeeded well. 

* * * I should not write it here, had they not come and 
volunteered it. It is at least certain, that there is no other 
camp near us, in which the soldiers are as well off as the 

Fifth New Jersey. A half mile away is a regiment, 

and hard by them a regiment, and both live like 

pigs. Our men shall not, if I can help it ; and I believe I 
can. 

"The morals of the camp are good. * * * Therearemany 
noble fellows among them; a large number are Metho- 
dists. We have had a prayer meeting every night since 
last Sunday, and two hopeful conversions. We need a 
chaplain badly. * * * We have had no preaching to-day, 
but a prayer meeting is called for this evening. 

"Our wagon train arrived safely on Friday. Now we 
are all right. I had already secured three four-horse 
teams from the government; New Jersey sent me 
eleven, and two ambulances. This makes us fourteen 
four-horse teams, and two two-horse ambulances — all 
that we want for the transportation of the regiment any- 
where. 

"My horse stands camp life splendidly. * * * Have got 
another horse, a little pony, and so have two to ride now. 

* * * You ought to see the pony ; he is about as big as a 
rat, and is the greatest little fellow to canter you ever saw ! 
My own horse suits me, in every respect ; and I shall save 
him all I can. 

"Surgeon Fisher and I rode into Washington to service 

156 



Some Army Letters 

this morning, and I have allowed no work in my depart- 
ment all day. It is my resolve, that there shall be no Sun- 
day work with us, if it can be avoided. 

"We live well. The lieutenant colonel (Mott), the 
major (Truax), and I mess together; and we have every 
comfort we could desire. Plenty of meat ; plenty of vege- 
tables; and tolerable chickens (if we pay well for them). 
Have no fears of Washington. We have fifty thousand 
men here — too strong for any force the rebels can bring 
against us." 

** Alexandria, Va. ) 

Sept. 22, 1 86 1. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Father and Family : Here we are in 'Dixie's 
Land,' encamped upon the 'sacred soil !' We left Camp 
Burlington, near Washington, yesterday about 2 p. m. and 
arrived here about 8 p. m. last night. The troops came by 
steamboat ; the baggage train went by land. The colonel 
proffered me permission to come with the troops; but I 
preferred to accompany our train. I left Washington with 
a train of seventeen wagons about 5 p. m. Crossed Long 
Bridge, and entered upon the 'sacred soil' about 5.30 p. m. 
Shortly after, it began to rain, and it poured incessantly 
all the way here, and far into the night. Fortunately, I 
had been thoughtful enough to strap my waterproofs on 
my horse; and donning these, came through dry as a 
feather. I had a rear guard of twenty men, all of whom 
I put aboard the wagons. Then with my wagon-master 
in the rear, with my quartermaster's sergeant by my side, 
at the head of our column, we marched gallantly down to 
Alexandria ! 

"About halfway here, whom should we meet but Colo- 
nel Jonathan Cook and a carriage load of other Jersey- 
men, returning from Alexandria to Washington. I had 
come upon a squad of soldiers, guarding the road, and had 

197 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

rode up to their watch fire t^btain a cup of coffee, while 
the train was halted to rest, when Johnty hailed me with, 
'Hello, New Jersey, how are you !' 

"Entering Alexandria, an officer met us, and conducted 
me to the camping ground. Here I drew the wagons up 
in line, posted my guard, with orders to remain geared up, 
until further orders; and then through the pouring rain 
wTnt off in quest of the regiment. A corporal was sent to 
conduct me through the town. We went first to the 
wharf. Here we found part of the troops, comfortably 
quartered in the warehouses, and the other part quartered 
in the famous, or rather infamous, Marshall House, where 
Ellsworth fell. Thence I rode to General Montgomery's 
headquarters, where I found our staff. The general re- 
ceived me like a prince, ordered supper for us all, and 
quartered us in an adjoining hotel for the night. Thence 
I sent orders to the wagons to ungear, feed, and make 
themselves as comfortable as possible till morning. 

''This (Sunday) morning we moved out to camp. All 
day, till near nightfall, we have been busy pitching tents 
and arranging matters. Now, once more, we are pretty 
well settled. Our camp is just on the outskirts of Alex- 
andria, not more than a half a mile from General Mont- 
gomery's headquarters. The probability is, that we shall 
remain here for some time as a guard to the city. Our 
camp is high and dry; infinitely more pleasant than the 
former one. Very likely we shall remain here all winter, 
quartered in town. * * * 

"Fortunately, my boy Charley has consented to remain, 
at least until next spring, and he is invaluable. He is the 
best boy in camp, and I don't know what I would do with- 
out him. He can cook, wash, mend, clean horses, pitch 
and strike tents, and in short do anything he has a mind 
to. Above all, he is faithful and honest, as a hot day is 
long.'* 

198 



Some Army Letters 

"Alexandria, Va. | 

Sept. 29, 1 86 1. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Father and Friends : We have been in high 
glee here all day. The much-feared and widely announced 
Munson's Hill is ours, without firing a gun. Yesterday 
afternoon our troops advanced upon it in two columns, 
and the rebels fled in all directions. This morning I rode 
out to see it, with General Montgomery and staff. We 
started at 10 a. m., and were gone all day; making a wide 
reconnoissance of the forts, the pickets, and the general 
lines of the Union Army. 

*The works at Munson's Hill were of the most absurd 
character. There has never been a single cannon mounted 
there. The whole thing has been a grand humbug and 
bugaboo ! Naturally, it is a strong position ; and our men 
will soon make it impregnable. Inclosed you will find a 
twig of a tree, growing on the peak of Munson's Hill. 

"I am weary with the long ride, and must close. The 
Rev. Thomas Sovereign is here, and has been appointed 
chaplain to the regiment." * * * 

** Alexandria, Va. ) 

Oct. 6, 1861. Sunday afternoon. ) 

"Dear Brother and Friends: I write you today, 
not from 'Camp near Alexandria,' but from Alexandria 
itself. We broke up camp and moved into Alexandria on 
Friday afternoon. Eight companies of our regiment are 
now here, quartered in town: one at the Slave Pen, in 
charge of political prisoners ; one at the Provost Marshal's, 
as City Police ; one on an adjoining street to assist them ; 
and three in the Marshall House, where Ellsworth fell, as 
general garrison. Our other two companies are stationed 
at Fort Ellsworth, with some eight hundred marines, 
about two miles from the colonel's quarters. At present 
they are detached from our command, and report to Cap- 

199 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

tain Wainwright, who comma4|^s the fort. The staff are 
quartered in two handsome Secesh brick houses, on Prince 
Street, about two squares from General Montgomery's 
headquarters. 

"My own room is a large fine parlor, on the ground 
floor. The door opens into the hall; two windows in 
front, opening on the street ; two in rear, opening down to 
the floor, and so out to a piazza and large yard. My bed 
— feather bed and hair mattress, with rosewood bedstead 
— stands in one corner; in another stands a mahogany 
sideboard ; near that a rosewood sofa ; next, a mahogany 
wall table; next, a handsome piano ( !) ; next, a splendid 
stove ; next, a mahogany clothespress ; next, a stylish hat- 
rack; next, a mahogany w^ashstand, with bowl, pitcher, 
soap-dish, and brush-dish complete. I am writing on a 
mahogany center-table, covered with a blue and yellow 
damask tablecloth; and overhead is a handsome chande- 
lier, with four gas-burners and cut glass shades ! I for- 
got to say that I have in addition a half dozen sofa-bottom 
chairs, and one large rocking-chair ! If this be war, 'who 
would not be a soldier?' Abandoned and confiscated 
Secesh property, of course. 

"We found two 'contrabands' in our house, who last 
June were abandoned by their master, and told to take care 
of the house and themselves the best way they could. No 
provisions, and not a cent of money. Such is 'chivalry !' 

"The colonel has relieved me of the whole commissary, 
or provision department, by appointing Lieutenant 
W to the place, and leaving me to my quartermas- 
ter's duties proper — fuel, forage, tents, quarters, trans- 
portation, etc. The appointment was at my instance, and 
relieves me of unpleasant duties. 

"For some reason, I know not why, I seldom get the 
Trenton papers. x\m much obliged for The Christian 
Advocate, and hope you will send it regularly. 

200 



Some Army Letters 

"Was at the Methodist church this morning. A good 
sermon, on the resurrection, with sacrament." 

** Alexandria, Va. ) 
Oct. 13, 1861. ] 

"Dear Father and Friends : This has been an event- 
ful day with us. About ten o'clock a party of us ; namely, 
the colonel, lieutenant colonel, major, surgeon, commis- 
sary, adjutant, Captain Sewell, and myself, together with 
a daughter of the colonel now visiting the regiment, 
started from here on horseback for Mount Vernon. It is 
about ten miles distant. For seven miles we found our 
pickets constantly in view, but at the end of that distance, 
as we crossed a little run, we left the last of our troopsi 
behind. From there to Mount Vernon we were without 
our lines, and in the enemy's country. Nothing, how- 
ever, happened to us, and the ride was most exhilarating. 
The day was magnificent, one of those grand and gor- 
geous October days, when the sun looks down from an 
unclouded sky, and summer seems lingering in the lap of 
autumn. 

"We were a gay and gallant party ; seven of us on horse- 
back, and all armed to the teeth. Small as our party was, 
we were good for at least seventy shots. We rode up to 
Mount Vernon about noon, dismounted, hitched our 
horses; and then wandered all over its historic grounds. 
We went down to the tomb, and there with heads uncov- 
ered, in the presence of Washington's remains, swore 
anew allegiance to our country and her laws. Thence we 
went to the house, saw Washington's mess-chest and camp 
table, his surveyor's staff, his library, the room in which 
he died, and so on. Then we went out into his yard and 
garden. 

"It is a most delightful spot, on the brow of a hill, that 
juts down to the Potomac. Don't wonder that Washing- 

201 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ton loved it. I collected a i^pmber of relics, v^hich I for- 
ward by this mail. The small snail shell sent in this was 
picked up at the mouth of Washington's grave. We 
remained there about two hours, saw everything, and 
mounted for our return about two o'clock. Got home 
safe about four. We were very lucky; for there was 
danger in such venturing. Yet I would not have missed 
the trip for a great deal.^ 

"In a day or two we expect to leave Alexandria. We 
return to Washington for awhile, and then go I don't 
know where. There are rumors of our being sent West 
or South, but they are unreliable. We are content. Such 
is a soldier's life. 

*T. S. — This is a piece of the Marshall House, cut from 
the stairway, just where Ellsworth fell." 

** Meridian Hill, near Washington, D. C. ) 
Oct. 20, 1861. ) 

"Dear Father and Friends : We are here once more 
north of the Potomac. We left Alexandria last Thurs- 
day, about II A. M., and marched here, about two miles 
and a half north of Washington; a distance of twelve 
miles in all. Arrived here about 2.30 p. m. ; and by dark 
had camp pitched, and all complete. Fortunate men we 
were ; for in less than a half hour afterward it began to 
rain, and poured steadily all night. My tents behaved 
admirably, and kept me dry as a pin. Expected to take 
cold in moving from our comfortable and even luxurious 
quarters to the field again; but was not affected at all. 
Camp life is really enchanting; and I love it better every 
week. Of course, we have a few annoyances ; but they are 
not worth mentioning. 

"This morning I was at church in Washington. 

* A few days afterward another party of officers ventured there and were captured by the 
Confederates, and then dismissed by our Secretary of War for being outside of the lines 
without orders. 

202 



Some Army Letters 

Heard my old college chum (Rev. John R. Effinger) 
preach, and afterward dined with him. Poor fellow! 
He is a Virginian, and a true Union man ; but his brother 
is an adjutant in the Rebel Army. 

"We are here with the Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth 
New Jersey Regiments just alongside of us. We are at 
last brigaded under General Silas Casey, a New England 
man, a West Pointer, who was through the Florida and 
Mexican Wars, and has been thirty years in the United 
States Regular Army. He is perhaps fifty-five years of 
age ; but his head is white as snow. Hale, hearty, robust, 
however; and 'every inch a soldier,' they say. I think 
we'll like him. Called at Lis headquarters yesterday 
morning, and had a satisfactory interview. 'Twixt our- 
selves — I think I shall be brigade quartermaster/ 

''Don't know how long we shall stay here. Think we 
shall remain a week or two. Am perfectly content to 
move any day. Strange how camp life inures a man to 
changes. 

"I intended to tell you about a Union speech I made in 
Alexandria, the night before we left, but my sheet is full. 
Our field and staff attended a meeting of the *Union Asso- 
ciation' there, and I was called out. General Montgom- 
ery, who was present, commended me considerably. Ah, 
it was my old trade !" 

*' Charlotte Hall, Md. ) 
Nov. 7, 1861. ) 

"Dear Father: I have only time this (Thursday) 
morning to write a line. We came here on Tuesday after- 
noon. Left Washington Sunday morning. Distance 
forty miles. We expect to return to Washington next 
Sunday. Are here to protect Union men at the elec- 
tion." 



' I was appointed acting brigade quartermaster about November 30. 
203 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

4^ Washington, D. C. ) 
Nov. 14, 1861. ) 

*'Dear Father : We got back here last Sunday after- 
noon. We had a tolerably pleasant expedition. Met with no 
enemy. Marched about one hundred miles in four days, 
and rested four. Our men stood the march admirably. 
The weather was mostly pleasant, though one or two days 
it rained very hard. We were glad to get back to our 
camp again, and our tents seemed as fine as parlors. I 
caught a cold, and felt badly for a few days, but am now 
quite as well as usual. 

"We have glorious news from South Carolina this 
morning, and the camp is wild with enthusiasm. There 
is a rumor of our being sent there, but I guess we shall be 
let alone for a week or two. If, however, we do go South, 
you may be sure New Jersey will not be dishonored by her 
sons." 

♦' Camp on Meridian Hill. ) 
Nov. 16, 1861. ) 

"Dear Brother : This army life suits me. But I want 
you to promise me one thing, and that is, if I fall in this 
war don't leave my bones here in Rebeldom. I don't want 
to rise in the resurrection in the midst of this people. Take 
me home to Jersey, and bury me with the rest of you ; that 
we may rise together. 

"There is some talk of our going to South Carolina; 
but as yet all is uncertain. We are very tired of resting 
here, in inglorious ease. The order to strike tents for 
Charleston would be received by the regiment with a shout 
of joy. For my part, I have thought the matter all over, 
and am ready. If we conquer there, we shall cover our- 
selves with glory ; if we fall, we shall fall fighting bravely. 
In either case, the country will be served. 

"Our brigade is attaining some degree of discipline and 
skill, and the spirit of the men is admirable. Of course, 

204 



Some Army Letters 

all are overjoyed at the great success of the fleet. How 
singular that the news at this date from all points should 
be equally glorious! It seems almost like the hand of 
Providence. I trust it is a full turning of the tide, that is 
to roll speedily on to victory. 

"It has been pretty rough weather for a week or two 
back, but I have stood it admirably. Those bedclothes 
you sent me are now invaluable. Besides, I have plenty 
of blankets, and a gay little stove in the corner of my tent 
that makes all very comfortable. 'Charley' has gone 
home, but I have one of the best of servants in his place — 
an Ethiopian ('Moses'), worth his weight in gold. Our 
march down into Maryland was very severe. One day it 
rained for hours, and we bivouacked in the midst of it, in 
an open field, that was soon ankle deep with mud. Four 
thousand men and one hundred teams tramping through 
soft ground soon make a mortar bed. We soon had blaz- 
ing fires, and managed to keep warm ; but it rained far into 
the night, and the experience was dismal. The field and 
staff ate supper in a pouring rain, that melted the very 
sugar and salt on the camp table." * * * 

"Washington, D. C. ) 
Nov. 24, 1 861. ) 

"Dear Henry : You see we are still here. The report 
of our going South is now contradicted. The strong 
probability is that we shall remain here all winter. I am 
at least tired of the uncertainty of going, and to-morrow 
shall set myself about building stables for our horses. We 
have some eighty horses in the regiment, and the cold 
weather is beginning to tell on them. The government, 
as yet, has refused lumber for stables ; but I believe I can 
*bore' it out of the officials. At least, I shall try! My 
own horse and the pony I keep blanketed, and they are 
both looking well. 

205 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"I don't think our weathej^an have been so severe as 
yours. We have had no snow yet, and but httle frost. 
The men build ovens in their tents, and most of the officers 
have small stoves. For my own part, I was never more 
comfortable, nor so healthy. The general health of the 
regiment is excellent. Out of nearly nine hundred men 
we have only eight or ten in hospital. 

"Our paymaster was around last week; and, in conse- 
quence, the 'boys' are flush and jolly. The most of them 
have sent large remittances home. Some companies have 
sent home as much as fifteen hundred and two thousand 
dollars. 

"Herewith you will find the photograph you desired. 
I had it taken in all my 'toggery,' on purpose to nlease you. 
Hope it is satisfactory. I inclose others for the rest of the 
family. Cost twenty-five cents ; dirt cheap for Washing- 
ton. 

"Heard a sermon this morning by Rev. Mr. Edwards, 
of our Church. Text : 'Enoch walked with God, and he 
was not; for God took him.' A good, sensible discourse, 
clear and logical. * ''' * Bishop Simpson preached in town 
this morning ; but I did not know of it, until after service 
was over. I think I shall call upon him this afternoon 
and hear him this evening." 



** Near Washington, D. C. 
Nov. 30, 1 86 1. Saturday 



:\ 



"Dear Father : I have only time to write you a single 
line. We are under orders to move this afternoon or to- 
morrow morning. W^e go down the Potomac on steam- 
boats, to Budd's Ferry. Land there on the Maryland 
side, and join the division of General Hooker. The Fifth, 
Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth New Jersey Regiments all 
go : under the command of Colonel Starr, as acting brig- 
adier general. I suppose it is intended for Hooker*s 

206 



Some Army Letters 

division to cross the Potomac and storm the Rebel bat- 
teries. Am already acting brigade quartermaster. 

"Am very busy in making preparations to leave. All is 
confusion and clamor. * * ^ Good-bye, and God bless you 
^jj » * * * 

** Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. ) 
Dec. 9, 1861. ) 

*'Dear Father and Friends : * * * The weather is 
magnificent. The days calm and clear and warm; the 
nights still and starlight. To-day the air was almost like 
a day in May. We had a grand review and inspection of 
the whole Jersey brigade by General Hooker and staff. 
Four thousand Jersey Blues stood in line, their muskets 
flashing defiance to the Rebels across the river. We are 
directly opposite the Rebel batteries; and from the hills 
above they must have seen us plainly. 

"Shortly after noon to-day the Union fleet just above us 
moved down to Freestone Point, about a mile above us on 
the other side, and began shelling the batteries there. Six 
of them lay off the batteries and pounded away at them in 
splendid style. For a time the fire was returned, but the 
Rebels soon deserted their guns, and fled in all directions. 
Then off went boats from our gallant ships, and soon all 
the buildings on the Point were wrapped in flames. This to 
prevent them sheltering the Rebels, in case we wished to 
land a force there. The sight was grand. I witnessed it 
from the top of a lofty pine, just back of our camp. When 
the Rebels broke and ran, scattering over the Virginia hills 
like frightened sheep, our whole regiment broke out into 
spontaneous cheers that made the old river ring again. 

"As if to make a big day of it, to-night we had a furious 
cannonading. Just below us on the Virginia side is Ship- 
ping Point; here lies the heaviest battery the rebels have. 
Opposite we also have a splendid one. Every day almost 
they exchange shots by way of variety. To-night, how- 
14 207 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ever — a bright moonhght ^|^ght — about 9 p. m., a large 
vessel attempted to run the blockade. Wafted along by a 
slight but steady breeze, along she came, until almost op- 
posite Shipping Point, when flash ! whiz ! bang ! bang ! 
went a shot and then a shell, right across her pathway. 
She paid no attention to the warning, but with a saucy air, 
as if indifferent to their bellowings, on she went in gal- 
lant style. The Rebels seemed maddened by her audacity, 
and shortly every gun they had opened a terrific fire. My ! 
how tremendously they roared ! For full half an hour they 
blazed away in magnificent style. The flash of the guns ; 
the whiz and whir of the shots ; and the bombs, with their 
long line of light bursting in air, altogether made a specta- 
cle truly grand and imposing. Hundreds of our boys 
lined the high bluffs just back of our camp, and when at 
last through the dull gray of the night they saw the vessel 
safely past, and the Rebel batteries again in sullen silence, 
they broke out into uproarious cheers. * * * 

"You may send me some things, if you will take the 
trouble. I shall not get home Christmas, and you had 
better send me a present! If you send it by express, it 
will take only about ten days or two weeks to reach me. If 
you send it otherwise, I shall never get it. * * * The ex- 
pressage will cost a dollar or two, but the box will be 
worth to me many times that. Also send me some long 
and warm woolen stockings." 



**Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. 
Dec. 16, 1861. 



\ 



"Dear Friends: How rapidly time flies! Another 
week gone, and I scarcely know it. It is over three 
months, almost four, since I left home; and yet it seems 
but yesterday. Have been sad and pensive all day, and 
have thought more of home than for a long time. I sup- 
pose it has been caused by the death yesterday of one of 

208 



Some Army Letters 

our men. He was a German, with no friends in America. 
Was taken with typhoid fever ; lay some time, and yester- 
day afternoon dropped off before anybody knew it. Hard 
drink was principal cause. Of all other places, drunkards 
should shun the army, and yet we have 'lots' of them. 
Nine tenths of the sickness and suffering in camp comes 
from habitual drunkenness, either directly or indirectly. 
Poor fellow! We made him a rough board coffin; and 
hard by a little country chapel, a mile away, we buried him 
beneath the trees, to await the resurrection morning. Our 
men hardly seemed to notice it. Such is the hardening 
and dehumanizing effect of camp life. 

" * Where one goes, and how he fares, 
Nobody knows and nobody cares.' 

"Have nothing of especial interest to communicate. It 
is very dull here. The Rebels are right across the river, 
and we see them every day; but the river is too wide 
for either of us to harm the other. Nearly every day they 
pop away at some passing steamboat ; but, as out of two 
thousand shots only one ( !) has hit a vessel, we pay but 
little regard to them. 

"I was down to our battery the other day, and had the 
pleasure of a shot at the Confeds. The gun was loaded, 
and I sighted it and touched it off. Whiz ! screech ! went 
the shell ; and the next moment two miles away the Rebels 
were scampering uphill, and off to the bushes. I don't 
know that I did them any harm. But I frightened the 
fellows awfully, and it was my first shot at Secesh and 
slavery!" * * * 

"Washington, D. C. ) 

Dec. 20, 1 86 1. Friday afternoon. ) 

"Dear Father : As you see by the above, I am here in 
Washington. Left camp yesterday morning, and arrived 
here yesterday afternoon about three o'clock. Came up 

209 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

on business in my departm^. Worked hard yesterday 
afternoon and late last night. Also, to-day until 3 p. m., 
when I got through and got my stores all aboard the trans- 
port. The transport is a Government steamer, load- 
ing w^ith hay, grain, provisions, etc., for our division of 
the army. It does not leave here until to-morrow at 
10 A. M. * * * 

"It is definitely certain now that I shall not get home 
Christmas. Have given up all hope of it, and have almost 
made up my mind not to come home at all, until the war is 
over. I don't want to make 'two bites of a cherry V My 
mind is fully made up to fight it out to the bitter end, and 
I fear if I should come home you would unman me. 

"It is not to be disguised that we have much to suffer, 
which you in Jersey would call hardships; but we have 
made up our minds to endure the worst, in the sacred 
cause of Liberty and Union, and so we manage to weather 
it somehow. We have become soldiers; we love peace, 
but accept war, and are not afraid to die in support of so 
great a cause. We are battling, father, not merely for 
the present nor for ourselves, but for the future and for- 
ever, and for all the vast generations of men everywhere 
and through all time. The Union must not fall, though 
millions perish ; for with its fall would be extinguished all 
the highest and holiest hopes of mankind the world over, 
and for generations to come. 

"We don't care for England. If she wants to fight, let 
her come. We would prefer her friendship, but if she 
won't be quiet, let her come on. She is all wrong on the 
law and justice of the case;^ and, if she dares to fight, will 
be overwhelmed with the execration and scorn of mankind. 
She had better mind her own business. Russia is watch- 
ing her. And at her first step forward, the Russian bear 
will place his paws — one on Constantinople, and the other 

» The " Mason and Slidell " case. 
210 



Some Army Letters 

on Hindustan. Nevertheless, I don't think this 'Trent' 
affair will lead to war." * * * 

**Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. ) 
Dec. 28, 1861. ] 

"Dear Brother: Your letter came welcomely; like- 
wise the list of articles contained in box ; though the box 
itself is still somewhere on the road. I presume it will 
arrive in time for New Year's, or shortly after, which will 
do just as well. 

"These have been dreary holidays to me. For a week 
past, like Job, I have been afflicted with 'sore boils.' As 
usual, they have come in the wrong place. * * * 

"Have had a bad cold, but am getting over it. Has 
been cold here this week. Real Christmas weather. To- 
day it is bright and pleasant ; but the air is raw. * * * 

"Cousin Will Rusling, of Salem, arrived in camp the 
other day. He enlisted as a private in Company F, and 
thinks he'll like soldiering ! O, dear ! He has a prospect, 
however, of being promoted to a sergeantcy. * * * 

"The Rebels have been very quiet this week. Scarcely 
any firing. No prospect of a fight. Our boys are eager 
for one. I believe they'd fight well." * * * 

**Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. ) 
Jan. 5, 1862. Sunday night. ) 

"Dear Brother and Friends : It gives me pleasure to 
say, that at last my box and contents have arrived safely. 
They came on the last day of the old year, and were wel- 
comed exceedingly. On New Year's night I gave a little 
party, and we — the field and staff of the Fifth — ate and 
drank to the health of 'our friends at home !' Everything 
was in excellent condition, except the sweet potatoes. The 
dampness of the apples had communicated itself to them, 
and three fourths were already decayed. The apples were 

211 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

fine, the doughnuts excellent^nd the cakes — both gin- 
ger and fruit — quite superb. To all my friends, many 
thanks! * * * 

'*Most welcome of all, however, were the two flannel 
night shirts. You can't imagine how nice they are these 
cold nights. I wrap up in them, neck and heels, and sleep 
'warm as toast.' They are the best institutions' about 
camp; and several officers are already taking pattern by 
them. * * * 

"The weather here has become sharp and bracing, but 
we do not feel it. We all have stoves or fireplaces ; and, 
with plenty to eat and plenty to wear, we get along very 
comfortably. Man is very largely an animal, and soon 
accommodates himself to circumstances. We have got 
used to Nature, and don't mind her winds and storms. 
People visiting here affect to pity us, and ask if we don't 
suffer? We laugh, and point to our ruddy cheeks and 
swelling bodies. I have gained twenty pounds, and my 
trousers and vests are all too small t" * * * 

** Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. ) 
Jan. 12, 1862. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Friends : This has been a great Sabbath. Have 
worked hard all day, and am greatly fatigued. For a week 
past, we had been blockaded by ice. The river froze over 
last Monday night, and we had no mail and no communi- 
cation with Washington from then until last night. 
Forty-eight hours ago it began to rain, and then came the 
thaw. To-day the thermometer stands at seventy degrees 
in the shade, and the weather is like late April or early 
May. Yesterday the ice disappeared ; and last night Rum 
Point was crowded with arriving transports, laden heavily 
with army stores. 

"Notified my wagon-master and quartermaster ser- 
geant last night, and this morning early we were off with 

212 



Some Army Letters 

eight teams to the landing. There by nine o'clock, and 
such a scene ! Three whole companies had been detailed 
to unload the steamers, and there they were tramping up 
and down the beach, over their ankles in Maryland mud, 
and no brain anywhere to give them method and direc- 
tions. Head on to the beach lay a barge, which contained 
the most of my stores. Poor old boat! Two days be- 
fore, in attempting to reach Rum Point, she was cut 
through by the ice and sank off Alexandria. Yesterday a 
tugboat pumped her out and gave her a friendly tow down 
here. I had thirteen large boxes of clothing, etc., aboard 
of her ; and after a deal of trouble and labor succeeded in 
getting them ashore. Loading our wagons, about i p. M. 
we started for camp ; and, of course, came through ! The 
Fifth New Jersey will always 'come through!' But O 
such roads ! Mud ! mud ! mud ! Mortar, mud, and quag- 
mires ! 

"Arriving here, we got some dinner, and then called a 
board of survey, to examine the condition of the goods. 
They were all thoroughly soaked, having been in the water 
forty-eight hours; but we found nothing seriously 
damaged, except some two hundred and fifty caps. These 
were condemned, and ordered to be issued at half price. 
The rest we shall try to dry to-morrow. The examination 
was long and tedious, and it was nightfall before the day's 
business was done. Have been in the saddle about four 
hours ; and on my legs all the rest of the day. I reckon I 
am tired! I would not write a line, only I know you are 
anxious to hear regularly from here, and will be impatient 
if you don't. 

"Nothing important here. TheTensacola' passed down 
last night. The Rebels popped away at her, and broke 
our slumbers; but that was all. To-day they have been 
firing more than usual. They pitched one shell right over 
onto our parade ground, about three hundred yards from 

213 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

my tent. My ! what a commotion it made. The boys ran 
straight to the spot, and piCKed up every piece as a reUc. 
We have got used to such noisy and fussy 'playthings/ 
and don't care for them." 

** Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. ) 
Jan. 19, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : I thought I v^ould not write you to- 
day, inasmuch as my quartermaster sergeant, S , has 

gone to Trenton, and will probably see you ere this can 
reach Jersey. Nevertheless, have concluded to. For, you 
see, when one is off this way, and life grows weary, it is 
almost as good as a talk to write a letter. It acts as a 
safety valve, to let off one's superfluous thoughts and feel- 
ings. I suppose the writing of a letter often saves a young 
person from crying. And as for old persons (like me), 
why, if they are accustomed to the pen, oftentimes they 
must write, or 'bust.' 

"As I write, I sit eating one of your apples. They are 
almost the 'least and last remains' of my Christmas box. 
How delicious they are ! Each bite seems better than the 
others ; first, because the apples are intrinsically good, and 
second, because they have come from the paternal man- 
sion. Home! home! 'Though ever so humble, there is 
no place like home !' And if it happens to be a good one ; 
then there is a heaven begun below, which that one above 
shall not far surpass. 

"Am very well for me, as Mr. S will tell you, 

though not as hearty as I was in the fall. The wretched 
weather we have had lately affects me somewhat. 
Yesterday it drizzled and rained all day ; and to-day there 
is a constant fog and rain, that are just making our camp 
a mortar bed. The soil is a heavy, slippery clay ; and 
though in the woods, and on a side hill, our ground is be- 
coming a quagmire. You have no idea of the roads. 

214 



Some Army Letters 

They are perfectly execrable. I wonder every day more 
and more how our poor teams manage to navigate 
them. Yet our horses and mules continue in splendid 
condition so far, and are the admiration of all who see 
them. 

"Yesterday I had a heavy job. I distributed some eight 
hundred stand of arms, and received some seven hundred 
old ones from the companies. Also received some thirty 
thousand rounds of cartridges, and issued forty thou- 
sand. In addition to this, I packed all the old arms ready 
for transportation. It was about two days' work, crowd- 
ed into one; and we went straight through it, in spite of 
the rain. It was a disagreeable, wet, and muddy job; 
but we got through by sundown. Was much fatigued; 
but feel tolerable again this morning. No inspection 
this morning; too wet and muddy. No church, of 
course. * * * 

"I think I shall get home some time next month. Don't 
expect me, however, till you see me." 

** Washington, D. C. ) 
Jan. 28, 1862. ) 

"Dear Father : Once more I write you, and again 
from Washington. I arrived here yesterday, or rather last 
night. Our boat stuck fast on a sand bar, just off of Rum 
Point ; and we lay there four hours, waiting for the rise of 
the tide. This put us four hours back, so that we only ar- 
rived in Washington after dark. 

"I had expected by this time to have obtained 'leave of 
absence,' and have been here on my way home. But, as 
the Fates would have it, about the time I was about making 
application, out came an order from McClellan, revoking 
all leaves of absence, and prohibiting any more. I sent 
my application in, however, but it was refused ; and so I 
rest for the present." 

215 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

** Camp on L^^er Potomac, Md. ) 
Feb. 2, 1862. Sunday evening. ) 

*'Dear Brother : * * * Another dull, plodding Sabbath. 
There was a little sunshine for three or four hours, almost 
the first in a month now ; but the clouds have come back 
again, and the sky is threatening. Yesterday there was a 
cold, sleety rain, until long after noon. Was out in the 
most of it; and caught cold in my back, which last night 
and to-day was quite lame. This morning, however, was 
in the saddle again for several hours, and am better as I 
write. 

'The mud is unfathomable ; and we are about building a 
road. I laid it out yesterday and to-day ; and to-morrow 
the whole brigade — four entire regiments, about thirty- 
six hundred men — will commence work upon it. It is only 
about two miles long; and we shall complete it in a few 
days. 'Many hands make light work.' Fortunately, I 
am brigade quartermaster, and have nothing further to do 
with it. My orders were to lay out the road ; and the colo- 
nels of the regiments were instructed each to build a sec- 
tion and keep it in repair. For weeks past our roads have 
been horrible ; and a 'corduroy' road has now become an 
absolute necessity. 

'T think we shall lie here till April, because we can't get 
away. By that time we shall be comparatively Veterans,' 
and shall doubtless see service. Hope so. Am inexpress- 
ibly tired and disgusted with McClellan's do-nothing 
policy, and want to fight or come home." 



Camp on Lower Potomac, Md 
Feb. Q, 1862. 



■} 



"Dear Friends : Sunday has again come around ; and 
now Sunday night. It has been a nice Sabbath. For a 
wonder — almost the first time for a month — the sun rose 
clear; and has mostly continued so all day. It has been 



16 



Some Army Letters 

warm, genial, pleasant — almost like late April or early 
May. At eleven o'clock our chaplain preached in one of 
the avenues, to a large congregation of just seventeen pri- 
vates and two officers ! All over the camp the men were 
lounging and talking, and it was sad to think how few he 
could really collect. * * * A good chaplain, a man of life 
and energy would draw out the whole regiment. Here 
are nine hundred men, hungering and thirsting for some- 
thing to rouse and inspire them, something to relieve their 
minds of the monotony and dullness of camp in winter 
weather, and he brings out exactly nineteen men, another 
officer and myself included! 

''Surely, if of ordinary capacity, a chaplain ought to 
preach well. The soldier himself, his perilous and holy 
calling, the glorious cause for which we are fighting, the 
inestimable principles at stake, his friends at home, the 
tender ties that bind him there, his wife, his children, fu- 
ture generations, and the whole world for which he is also 
battling — surely these are topics to arouse a chaplain's 
soul and inspire his tongue with words of fire, if so be that 
he have a 'soul' and possess a 'tongue.' * * * I think I could 
have talked myself this morning. The morning was so 
bright and cheery, and the men looked so glad to see the 
sun once more that it made one's heart beat and eyes flash 
to look upon them. But alas ! I am only a quartermaster, 
and not supposed to have either a conscience or a tongue ! 

"For a month past we have had some most fearful 
weather here. Rain ! rain ! Fog ! fog. Mud ! mud ! Yes ; 
mud ! mud ! mud ! Quagmires ! Mortar beds ! Roads 
with the bottom fallen out ! For a week past, some regi- 
ments have been carrying their forage and provisions on 
the shoulders of their men. Friday, as I went down to 
Rum Point, I met a whole company of the Indiana Cav- 
alry, trudging along, slop, slop, through the interminable 
mud; each with a huge bundle of hay on his shoulders. 

217 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

The road was impassable foi^ams ; and they were afraid 
to go on horseback, for fear of miring down. My long- 
legged gray, 'Uncle Abe,' carried me through safely; but 
once or twice I really thought we would go through to 
China. 

''At Rum Point I succeeded in begging a boat — a long, 
flat scow. This we loaded down with hay and grain, put 
a horse to her, and then swung boldly down the beach — 
canal fashion — right in the face of the Rebel batteries, to 
within a half a mile of our camp. Our wagons were there 
waiting for us, and we were soon unloaded and all right. 
The Rebels took no notice of us. Perhaps they pitied us ; 
though I rather think it was because they feared their guns 
wouldn't reach us. We have played the same game sev- 
eral times since, and by this means we shall probably be 
able to obtain all our supplies. Had I not by chance hit 
upon it, our men would have been compelled to march 
three miles to the landing, and then carry everything up 
the best they could. 

"The roads are wholly impassable, and now at last a 
new one has been ordered. It leaves the left of our camp, 
and takes a *bee line' to the landing. It is being built of 
brush, logs, and sand or gravel ; and, when completed, will 
be a great gain. Our whole brigade has been at it for a 
week, and it will be nearly a week more before it is done. 

"There is nothing new here. The general health of the 
brigade is good, though now and then one sickens and 
dies. We lost a man this morning by consumption. He 
would probably have died at home, as his lungs were all 
gone. It is such men that chiefly fill the hospitals; men 
worn out and debilitated, and who ought never to have 
been passed by the examining surgeon. Men of ordinary 
health at home get along well, even now, in the depth of 
winter, and here in this God-forsaken region. * * * 

"I thank you heartily for The Christian Advocate. You 

218 



Some Army Letters 

don't know how I have enjoyed it to-day. The Tribune — 
one day old — comes nearly every day, and that is good; 
but the Advocate, which I have read all my life since I 
was a child, is more welcome on Sunday." * * * 

** Headquarters, 3D Brigade, ' 
Hooker's Division, 
Lower Potomac, Md. 
Feb. 16, 1862. 

"Dear Brother : This has been quite a Sunday. In the 
morning, at eleven o'clock, I attended service at the Sixth 
Regiment, the chaplain of which — the Rev. S. T. Moore, 
of the Newark Conference — is an old fellow-student at 
Pennington Seminary. He had been receiving a large 
chapel tent, from some friends at Newark ; and this morn- 
ing we had the dedication. The usual dedicatory serv- 
ices were gone through with, and then we had a sermon 
from Dr. Rose, the chaplain of the Seventh. His text was 
that brave one from Ecclesiastes, 'Whatsoever thy hand 
findeth to do, do it with all thy might.' It was a plain, 
good, earnest sermon ; and told well. 

"This afternoon, at half past two o'clock, the chaplain 
of the Sixth had an appointment to preach at a Methodist 
Episcopal church, some six miles down the country. A 
party of officers formed to accompany him, and invited me 
to ride along. Of course, I went ; and such a time ! The 
roads were horrible ! The country miserable ! And the 
congregation about thirty ! And such a people ! Never- 
theless, I enjoyed sitting in a 'meeting house' once more, 
seeing that I hadn't been inside of one before in nearly 
three months. 

"At Washington I used to attend church somewhere, 
whenever I had opportunity ; but down here there are no 
churches, to speak of; and the roads and weather have 
been so execrable that it has been impossible to reach even 

2iq 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

such as there are. The churdj^ we were at this afternoon 
was a 'specimen,' with a Uttle gallery at one end for the 
'darkies,' two big stoves in the center, and sort of a box for 
a pulpit, and a paper fringe around the Bible cushion. It 
would have done you good to see the women-folks. Some 
came in wagons, some in carts, and some on horseback ! 
They all wore 'store goods ;' but then such goods have not 
been seen up North this many a day ! 

''We had a fine snow yesterday and last night; and to- 
day there is enough for good sleighing, if the roads had 
any bottom. Yet it is not cold. The air was a little raw 
yesterday; but to-day it is very agreeable. I suppose it 
will soon be gone. Thanks to hard work and plenty of it, 
our corduroy road is done, and already named the 'Jersey 
Turnpike!' It is really a splendid road, leading straight 
from our camp to Rum Point, and will remain to astonish 
the benighted Marylanders long after the brigade has de- 
parted. It is built in a substantial manner, with brush at 
the bottom, then logs, and then a coating of clay and sand. 
General Hooker declares it a 'big thing,' and I think you 
would cordially concur. *Abe,' who hates the mud awful- 
ly, neighs his satisfaction as soon as he reaches the turn- 
pike, and canters cheerily along from end to end of it. 

"No, I am not yet 'brigade quartermaster' — only acting. 
But I shall be. I have been performing all the duties of 
the office since last December (besides my regimental du- 
ties) ; and my application is backed up strongly by both 
Colonel Starr, who commands the brigade, and General 
Hooker, who commands the division. Then, besides, the 
post is mine by right of seniority. * * * The pay isn't very 
much more, but then it would promote me to a captaincy, 
and thus place another bar upon my shoulder straps. But 
I shall not stop there. If the war lasts and there is any 
sort of a chance, I am coming home at least a 'major,' or I 
shall not come home at all. 

220 



Some Army Letters 

* We expect a fight here now any day. What glorious 
news from Kentucky ! Isn't Foote a trump ? And from 
Dupont! And Burnside! And isn't Fort Donelson a 
'big thing f' Hurrah for 'U. S.' Grant! I brought the 
news over from General Hooker's last evening, and you 
should have heard the 'boys' yell ! The whole brigade 
went wild with excitement, and the bands all struck up 
'Yankee Doodle' and 'John Brown' to help the thing 
along." 

** Camp on Lower Potomac, Md. 1 
Feb. 23, 1862. Sunday. j 

"Dear Brother : Another week has gone and we are 
still here on the Potomac. There was some talk early in 
the week of a movement ere this, but the continual rain has 
postponed it. O, such weather! Rain, rain, rain! If 
it were not for our corduroy 'turnpike,' we could never 
haul provisions; but would have to carry them on the 
backs of our men, or starve. As it is, however, we have 
plenty of everything, and get along very well. The 
weather, though, breaks up all military movements; for 
over a month, we have had scarcely a drill. 

'Tt seems strange, this passing a whole winter in tents. 
I used to think it rather tough to pass it even in a house. 
I used to think father's frame house much colder than a 
brick one ! Well, I have passed a winter in a canvas house 
down here ; and, to tell the truth, have been almost as com- 
fortable as I was at home. I have had plenty of blankets, 
plenty of clothing, and a good stove; and so have got 
through. But there is no mistake about the weather hav- 
ing been execrable. Even now we can scarcely stir out of 
our tents, without going into the mud up to our ankles. 

"Some time this week I shall send to your address a box, 
containing various Secesh trophies. Among the rest is a 
Rebel knapsack from Alexandria, and several things from 
Mount Vernon. Among the latter is a walnut, a chest- 

221 



Men and Things l Saw in Civil War Days 

nut, and an acorn, which I v^it you to plant in the spring 
and see if you can't get them to grow. If not of use to us, 
they may be of interest to our posterity (when it comes !) ; 
because obtained by Uncle or Grandfather James, at 
Mount Vernon, during the Secession Rebellion ! 

"I saw a 'gay old' team here the other day. It was an 
old cart, with two little bulls to the tongue ; and two little 
mules, with corn-husk collars and rope traces and lines, to 
the lead. A big 'contraband' was driving, and a South- 
ern lady rode in state ! What a figure she would have cut, 
going up State Street ! And the saddest of it all was, that 
the poor creature didn't know how ineffably ridiculous she 
really was ! 

''I suppose you had a great time in Trenton yesterday. 
We did nothing here, as the orders for the celebration 
did not arrive till this morning. Nor could we, if they 
had ; for it rained all day, as if the clouds had broken to 
pieces. 

''Don't get crazy up North over the Union victories. I 
know they are rather 'big' things, but there is a lot of fight- 
ing to do yet." 

** Camp Detestable, Lower Potomac, Md. 1 
March 2, 1862. J 

"Dear Brother : Yours, inclosing our Western cous- 
in's, came yesterday. He has evidently had a rough time 
of it. Should have known better than to enlist in the heart 
of winter. If a man enlists in the summer, he gets ac- 
climated as the cold weather comes on, and so goes 
through. We haven't minded the winter at all. He says 
the gunboats were going up the river, and there would be 
a 'big fight soon.' His date was February 4, and so Forts 
Henry and Donelson, as well as Clarksville and Nashville, 
have all been since. Rather a 'big' fight, I reckon ! The 
fellow seems to be plucky, though, in spite of his sickness, 

222 



Some Army Letters 

and when you write to him, give him a hearty 'Godspeed !' 
for me, as a voice from the Potomac ! 

"I head my letter 'Camp Detestable/ It is detestable, 
because we are doing nothing ; it is detestable, because we 
are outside of all God's creation here ; it is detestable, be- 
cause of the mud when it storms ; it is detestable, because it 
don't dry up soon enough ; it is detestable, because it is 
clouded over this morning, and is going to snow again; 
and it is detestable, because here we lie idle month after 
month, while Grant and Buell and Burnside are winning 
great victories and covering themselves and their com- 
mands with glory. Faugh upon such soldiering ! 

"You caution me about my antislavery utterances. All 
right! Yes, I hate slavery just as much as I can; and 
shall hit it whenever I can. I am most profoundly con- 
vinced before God of its enormity and wickedness; and 
must speak out, if I would preserve my conscience clean. 
To my own mind, there is but one course to pursue ; and 
men who now apologize for slavery will be ashamed to 
own it ten years hence. The war can have but one result, 
and when it is over, men will be astonished that they could 
ever have been anything else than 'antislavery.' 

'• ' John Brown's body lies moldering in the ground. 
But his soul goes marching on.' 

"That is the song we sing down here, and as we shout it 
forth, we make these old Maryland pines ring again. 

"At last, we expect to move. Some say this week. 
Hope and pray so. But I don't believe it. I predict we 
are good for another month here, come what may. Banks 
and McClellan will do all the fighting, and leave us to 
guard the Potomac. Possibly, we may cross and assist, 
but I don't believe it. 

"Cousin Will was yesterday promoted to first sergeantcy 
of Company F. In December he was a private; then 
15 223 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

made fourth corporal. And now promoted over three 
corporals and four sergeant^o be first or orderly sergeant. 
A *big' thing ! He now stands first on the list for a second 
lieutenancy, if his captain will be good enough to get shot 
or die r 

** Headquarters, 3D Brigade. 1 
March 10, 1862. J 

*'Dear Friends : Am weary and exhausted ; yet I must 
write you a line. I suppose you have already heard the 
great good news from this point ; still a word from me will 
'make assurance doubly sure.' 

"You know I wrote you last Friday from Washington. 
On Saturday I intended to return here, but found it im- 
possible to find a boat going here. Was notified, however, 
that a government transport would leave at noon on Sun- 
day, and, disagreeable as it was, deemed it my duty to 
avail myself of the opportunity. There was a stiff breeze 
against us, and it was quite sundown as we approached 
Mattewoman River. When within four or five miles of 
it, we were startled by the sight of the gunboat 'Anacostia,' 
lying quite under the guns of Cockpit Point, and pouring 
a terrific fire of shot and shell upon the Rebel intrench- 
ments. As she floated farther down, and approached 
Shipping Point, her fire seemed to be redoubled in force, 
and we were astonished that throughout the Confeds 
seemed to make no reply whatever. Long before we had 
been amazed at the vast columns of smoke rising above 
the Rebel intrenchments, and our only conclusion was, 
that either the Rebels had evacuated or that the 'Anacos- 
tia' had dispersed them. 

''Landing at the dock, I hastened up to camp, and there 
learned that the smoke had begun to arise about noon, be- 
fore the 'Anacostia' had begun to throw her shells, and 
that it was rumored that the Confeds had set fire to their 
works, and absquatulated 'bag and baggage' — 'horse, 

224 



Some Army Letters 

foot, and dragoons.' About three o'clock the *Anacos- 
tia' had crept close in shore, landed, two boat loads of sail- 
ors and marines, and in a quarter of an hour afterward up 
the Rebel flagstaff shot the Stars and Stripes. The whole 
proceedings were plainly visible from the Maryland shore ; 
and it is needless to say that our whole brigade speedily 
went crazy. Such shouts and cheers as rent the air, you 
never heard. 

^'Throughout the division all was bustle and excitement. 
I went over to General Hooker's on business, and found 
his quarters crowded with officers, and that he had sud- 
denly gone off to the gunboats. Full of excitement, when 
I got back to camp, I couldn't sleep ; and it was nearly 
twelve o'clock before I thought of retiring. Then, just 
as I was undressing, an orderly came riding furiously into 
camp, and the next moment Lieutenant Colonel Mott, who 
now commands the Fifth, was summoned to Colonel 
Starr's tent. In a few minutes I heard him come back — 
his tent is next to mine — and going in, he handed me a 
written order. It was in substance^ that at sunrise this 
morning he should report at Rum Point, with five hun- 
dred picked men, carrying one hundred spades and one 
hundred axes, as well as their arms, and there to go aboard 
a canal boat, which would be towed by a tug to Cockpit 
Point. Landing at or near the Point, he was to explore 
the woods on each side, throwing out pickets in advance 
as he proceeded, gain the Point, dismantle and destroy the 
fortifications there, and bring off with him such booty as 
he was able. The order was peremptory, and the job pos- 
sibly dangerous ; yet everybody wanted to go. 

*T went straight to Colonel Starr, and with his permis- 
sion offered my services to Colonel Mott, as volunteer aid- 
de-camp. He kindly accepted them, and told me to report 
to him at 5 a. m. It was then after i p. m., and I turned in, 
clothes and all. After a restless slumber of three or four 

225 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

hours, I was roused up by the hum of the camp ; and, eat- 
ing a hasty breakfast, at daybreak was in the saddle. We 
got to Rum Point just as the sun rose, and there we found 
five hundred men from the First Massachusetts, who had 
been detailed in like manner, to proceed to Shipping Point. 

''After a deal of fussing, at last the men were finally em- 
barked, and making fast to a little spider of a tug that 
came to us from the flotilla, at 8 a. m. we left Maryland 
for the 'Land of Dixie.' Meanwhile, a cold storm of wind 
and rain had set in, and the day promised to be vastly disa- 
greeable. As we got out into the Potomac, which is there 
some three miles wide, we saw the flotilla all under steam, 
and coming gallantly down to protect our landing. The 
tug towed us within two hundred yards of shore, and then 
cast us off. 

"We could get no nearer; and so, casting anchor, we 
proceeded to disembark by means of a long scow, which 
we had brought with us. The scow held about one hun- 
dred and fifty men, and the first load was soon landed. I 
landed with them, springing ashore with a half dozen 
others. The men were instantly formed and spread out 
as skirmishers. Our orders were to move slowly forward, 
scouring the banks and bushes; but not to proceed more 
than a mile inland, until the second load had landed. On 
we went, and as we approached Cockpit Point our hearts 
beat quick. We expected to find at least pickets there, if 
not the Rebels in force ; and when we had gained the bluff 
and found ourselves within the batteries, with no signs of 
an enemy, we felt quite disappointed. Tarrying there a 
moment, to discover and destroy their contrivances to 
blow up their magazines and us with them, if we at- 
tempted to enter them, wq once more proceeded cautious- 
ly forward, and subsequently our pickets were thrown out 
three miles in advance, without seeing a Rebel. 

"We were informed by the inhabitants, that they had 

226 



Some Army Letters 

commenced to evacuate as long ago as last Wednesday, 
and that the last of them had left Sunday afternoon. They 
said they were going to fall back on Fredericksburg, and I 
suppose they have. This is on the railroad to Richmond ; 
and confirms us in the opinion that Manassas will soon be 
abandoned, if it be not evacuated already. They had evi- 
dently left in the greatest haste ; as valises, trunks, boxes, 
axes, spades, and clothing lay around promiscuously. In 
several places were the remains of trunks and clothing, 
which they had burned, rather than abandon. O ! I must 
stop. Will finish the rest to-morrow. Our expedition 
was entirely successful. Got back all safe, thank God, and 
so good night !" 

** Headquarters, 30 Brigade,^ 

Hooker's Division, 

Lower Potomac, Md. 

March 13, 1862. 

**Dear Friends : It is only this morning, after two 
days' rest, that I feel able to resume my letter of the tenth. 
I fear that letter was much incoherent; for I was weary 
and excited, and I wrote it all after twelve o'clock. I be- 
lieve I took you as far as reaching the camp of the Rebels. 
This was composed of log huts, covered with rough pine 
shingles ; and was decidedly the filthiest place I was ever 
in. Dirt, grease, garbage, everywhere abounded ; and in 
such weather as we have had all winter, living there must 
have been awful. 

"Everything indicated that their forces had left pre- 
cipitately and in great haste. Clothing, intrenching tools 
— such as spades, shovels, axes, and picks — mess-chests, 
trunks, valises, bedding, all lay around promiscuously, and 
in places great quantities had been burned. There was 
plenty of fresh beef and flour; nearly every cabin had a 
good supply of these two articles ; but of vegetables there 
was absolutely none, and no remains of any. Some let- 

227 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ters, printed in Secesh pape^ that we found there, com- 
plained that they were short of vegetables, and I presume 
it was so. I inclose some writing I found there. Have 
a heavy bowie knife, but this I think I shall retain. There 
were several wagons, of fine character ; but, before de- 
camping, they had hewn them to pieces. The spokes were 
cut out, and the tongues cut in two. 

"After exploring the camp thoroughly, I returned to the 
batteries. Meanwhile, the remainder of our expedition had 
disembarked, and another company had been thrown for- 
ward on the right, to scout the country as far as possible 
and prudent. At the batteries I met Lieutenant Colonel 
Mott and some three hundred men. They instantly set to 
work to dismount the cannon and hurl them over the bluff 
into the Potomac ; the said bluff being at least a hundred 
feet high. There were four of them, all heavy pieces, and 
one a thirty-two-pound Parrott rifled gun, taken from us 
at Bull Run. Attaching long ropes to them, the men laid 
hold, and by main strength dragged them out of the earth- 
works, and over to the bluff; down which they crashed 
with terrific noise. We had intended to remove them, 
but a stiff breeze created so heavy a swell on the river, that 
it was impossible to load them on the boats. They lie 
now at the water's edge, and a floating derrick can at any 
time swing them on board a steamer. We then emptied 
the magazines, carrying the shot and shell down to the 
beach, whence boats conveyed them to the gunboats. 

*'We had finished all up and were about departing, when 
I had the following adventure : Said I to Dr. Sharp (a lit- 
tle fellow from Belvidere, who is assistant surgeon in the 
Sixth) : *Let us explore those bushes yonder, w^hile the men 
are arranging to reembark.' The doctor agreed, and we 
started off first to a heap of brush, about two hundred 
yards in the rear of the main battery. As we passed, I ob- 
served a long heap of fresh earth beneath, and supposed it 

228 



Some Army Letters 

a grave ; but examining it more closely, I found it rectan- 
gular instead of oblong. I called to the doctor to stop, 
and throwing off some brush, we soon discovered a hole 
about five feet broad, ten feet long, and three feet deep, 
crammed full of conical nine-inch shells ! There were one 
hundred and sixty in all, part of them loaded and capped, 
ready to blow us up, if we had not been careful. Of course 
I shouted the discovery to Colonel Mott; and soon he and 
a hundred men were around the infernal projectiles. We 
lifted them carefully out, and transferred them to the 
charge of the gunboats. 

'Then began the reembarkation, which kept us until 
sundown. We left thirty men in the scow, tied behind the 
canal boat, and then the gunboat 'Satellite' took us in tow ; 
and we started for Rum Point, some four miles off, ob- 
liquely across the river. Meanwhile, the wind had risen 
until it blew a gale ; the canal boat rolled and careened, 
until it was impossible to stand on deck ; and behind, the 
poor old scow dipped water at almost every wave. The 
men became excited, and it required the utmost exertions 
of the officers to preserve order and thus insure safety. 
After a half hour of deep anxiety, during which I was un- 
certain whether we would not all founder in the Potomac, 
we got within the headlands of Mattewoman Creek; and 
soon after arrived safely at Rum Point. We got back at 
8 p. M., having been absent on the expedition just twelve 
hours. Now commenced a weary march of three miles up 
to camp ; but about halfway our servants met us with our 
horses, and the remaining distance was soon gone over. 
Arrived at camp, we had a hundred inquiries to answer, 
as nothing had been heard from us since morning ; and you 
may be sure we were all 'lions' until late at night. 

"I omitted to say, that we cut down the Rebel flagstaff ; 
and by a real poetic justice used its pieces in tumbling the 
Rebel cannon into the Potomac. We planted the Stars 

229 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and Stripes high above th^ortifications, and gave them 
three good Jersey cheers, as the old banner rolled out upon 
the breeze. The First Massachusetts were detained at 
Shipping Point until late at night, and the next day were 
sent back again. To-day other detachments from the 
Sixth and Seventh New Jersey have been sent over there ; 
and I presume we shall hold it permanently, preparatory to 
a general crossing of the division. Of course, all is ex- 
citement here. We are making every preparation for a 
general move ; and the sick are getting well fast. Every- 
body *spilin' for a fight !' " 

'' Headquarters 3D Brigade, ' 
Hooker's Division, 
Lov^ER Potomac, Md. 
March 19, 1862. Wednesday evening, 8 :301o'clock. 

"Dear Father and Friends: Our mail has just ar- 
rived, the first since Saturday, and I am disappointed in 
not receiving a letter from you. Have written you three 
within the last ten days, and have had a reply only to the 
first, which was sent from Washington. Our mails have 
become very irregular. All passenger boats were ordered 
off the river two weeks ago ; and since then we have had to 
depend on government transports, which run only as oc- 
casion requires. The object, of course, was to conceal 
preparations and movements, which it was not proper for 
the public to know. 

''Yesterday, I rode down to Port Tobacco, the county 
seat of this county. It is about fifteen miles from here. 
The country that way is much better. Some tolerable 
farms and farmhouses. Saw one house that was white- 
washed and another with green blinds — the best evidence of 
civilization that I have met. Port Tobacco is a little vil- 
lage of six hundred or so inhabitants, and a pretty 'smart' 
place. We have a company there on picket; been there 
since January 20, The captain is an old friend of mine, 

230 



Some Army Letters 

and being a fine day, I went down to see him, as well as 
the country. There was a party in the town, to which the 
captain had been invited, and word was sent to bring us 
along — me and a friend who went down with me. Pleas- 
ant time. Nice people. But mostly 'Secesh.' Some nice 
young ladies; but they didn't know a single 'Union' song! 

''Came back this morning, and found the brigade under 
orders to march at five minutes' notice. Bustle and con- 
fusion all day. Orderlies arriving and departing con- 
stantly. Have been packed up all the afternoon ; but it has 
now set in to rain, and I guess we sha'n't go to-night. We 
march without tents or knapsacks, with two days' rations ; 
and expect to cross at Acquia Creek, and take Fredericks- 
burg in the rear. Probably you will hear of our victory 
before you get this. Yesterday nineteen steamboats, 
crowded with troops, went down the river ; it is supposed 
to Fortress Monroe. Look out for stirring news. 

"I send herewith a photograph of General Hooker. It 
was given to me by himself, and bears his autograph. 
Take care of it. I prize it very highly. I wish you to re- 
member, that I have a box containing some books, official 
papers, etc., at the Metropolitan (formerly Brown's) Ho- 
tel, on Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington. I sent it up 
there Monday for safe-keeping. * * * The 'official papers' 
are the vouchers for my accounts with the government, 
down to January i, 1862, and will be of use, if my ac- 
counts are ever disputed or anything happens to me. * * * 
My pay is drawn until the first of March ; the balance can 
be drawn by father any time, if I fall. 

"Pardon these instructions. Not pleasant to write, yet 
you may need them. On the eve of great and decisive 
events, which every aspiration of my heart and every con- 
viction of my brain induces me to share, I have no right to 
expect exemption from that fate, which must befall some 
of us. Have counted the cost, and am not afraid to die 

231 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

for my country. To sp^Jc frankly, have somehow 
thought, from the first, that I would never return alive 
from the war, and it may be that I shall fall ere another 
week rolls around. * * * In my past life, I can see many 
errors, that I could wish to correct ; yet I doubt if I could 
live it much better, if I had to do it again, and I confidently 
trust all to Jesus." * * * 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, ) 

Lower Potomac, Md. > 

March 23, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : It is Sunday once more, and we are 
still here. Our orders to move were countermanded at the 
last moment, and our suspense is becoming painful. As you 
have seen by the papers, we are now attached to the army 
corps of General Heintzelman. He was here yesterday, 
on a little steamer ; conferred with General Hooker for an 
hour or two, and then went on down the river. Two of 
his divisions have already passed down, and we expect to 
follow some time this week. We don't know zvhere, but 
we expect to Fortress Monroe. Acquia Creek, as you 
know, has been abandoned, and we suppose our corps is 
ordered to Fortress Monroe, to cooperate with McClellan 
when he moves on Gordonsville and Richmond. Every- 
thing now is kept as secret as death ; and nobody knows 
anything, until 'orders' come. I don't think we shall be 
ofif now before Thursday or Friday; but it is certain we 
shall not stay here. There is no enemy here to oppose, 
and there is enough force elsewhere in Maryland to keep 
her loyal. 

*T suppose you have heard from Newbern ? That dis- 
poses of the 'Hamilton Square' man's letter, that Burn- 
side was reembarking. He did Veembark,' but it was 
only to turn up at Newbern, and win another glorious vic- 
tory for the Constitution and the Union !" 

232 



Some Army Letters 

** Washington, D. C. 1 
March 29, 1862. J 

"Dear Father: Up here again, on a flying trip, to 
return to-morrow. Contrary to the expectations of every- 
body, we are still at our old camp near Rum Point, and I 
suppose we shall not leave for some days. Meanwhile, 
for two weeks past, the river has been thronged with 
transports loaded with troops all going down — down — 
nobody knows where; but we suppose to Fortress Monroe. 
We must have met at least ten thousand troops yesterday 
on their way down, of all branches of the service ; infan- 
try, cavalry, and artillery. The report here is, that 
McClellan and his staff embark to-morrow ; and that the 
move on Richmond now is to be by way of Norfolk. We 
expected to lead the advance ; but from present indications 
shall bring up the rear, if we are not left behind altogether. 
You see nothing of this in the papers, because it is prohib- 
ited; but tremendous events are preparing at the mouth 
of the James River, and look out for great and stirring 
news. * * * 

*'I would like to get home and see you very much ; but 
have dismissed all thought of that now, and must wait till 
after McClellan has fought his long-promised battle. If 
successful, it will ultimately make him the greatest man in 
Christendom. If defeated, the public opinion of an indig- 
nant and infuriated North will compel the President to 
dismiss, if not otherwise punish him." 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, ) 

Lower Potomac, Md. v 

April I, 1862. ) 

*'Dear Henry : Home again ! Left Washington yes- 
terday (Monday) morning, and reached here at dark. 
Came down in a sailboat. Brigade still here. 

"On Sunday morning heard the Rev. Dr. Tefft, former- 

233 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ly editor of the Repository, ^pach in the Senate chamber. 
My! how he scored the Rebelhon! He is now chaplain 
in the First Maine Cavalry. 

*'I write now to send home the inclosed lithographs and 
photographs, and because I feel like writing. It has been 
a lovely day. So calm, so warm, so bright! To-night 
clouds have come over the sky, but all is as still and pleas- 
ant as your nights in June. O how delicious such 
weather is here in camp ! You walk, or rather lounge off, 
down through the camp, and away along the bluff, looking 
out over the river for many a mile ; snuffing the pure air 
of the morning; or, if you choose, you mount your horse, 
his blood almost as buoyant as your own, and away you 
gallop, as if life was all a dream. 

" *Abe' has weathered the winter, and this spring has 
come up splendidly. O ! how good he felt this morning, 
as I rode over to General Hooker's. Everybody else is 
afraid of him. But, with me, he will jump hedge, ditch, 
or fence, and can run like the wind. Good 'Uncle 
Abe I' How his heels flew this morning ! The glory of 
his nostrils was terrible, and his neck was clothed with 
thunder I 

*To-night I lit my pipe, and strolled off down through 
the tents and off upon the parade ground. Dark around, 
while on every side, far and near, gleamed the cheerful 
camp fires; the men spinning 'yarns,' or here and there 
singing their patriotic songs. I thought of you all, and 
just then our band struck up 'Sweet Home!' Ah, me! 
how I wished I was there — not that you could induce me 
to stay there, but just to see the old things, to tell you 
many things I cannot write, to see the old place and the old 
things. Such thoughts and such longings came over me, 
as I walked and smoked ; but you are there and / am here, 
and must not leave. * * * 

*Tn that 'box' at Brown's Hotel, Washington, I have 

234 



Some Army Letters 

deposited the Rebel bowie knife I found at Cockpit Point, 
and a lot of other things. 

"And so I close. Here for this week, I guess ! Then 
to Norfolk. Direct your letters, as before." 

'*0n Steamer * Arrowsmith/ ) 

OFF Rum Point, Md. V 

April 6, 1862. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Brother : Yours came a day or two ago. As 
to *Rum Point,' I have to say, that the name is more 
amusing than significant. Why it is called Rum Point, I 
do not know ; but suppose it is due to the general darkness 
and barbarism that this slavery-cursed region abounds in. 
Sure it is, that there is no 'Rum' here now, except what is 
smuggled in surreptitiously. The vile drink, in all its 
varieties, was prohibited by the most stringent orders, 
shortly after we came here. 

"And so at last — at last — we are off ! There is no mis- 
take this time. We broke up camp yesterday (Saturday) 
morning at daylight, and proceeded to embark as rapidly 
as possible ; the Second Brigade down the river at Liver- 
pool Point, the First Brigade four miles this side at 
Budd's Ferry, and we, the Third Brigade, here at Rum 
Point. We were all aboard the transports here by 2 P. M., 
and here we have been lying ever since, awaiting the ar- 
rival of the schooners, which are to convey the teams and 
stores, and to be towed by our steamers. The brigade is 
embarked on five large North River steamboats ; and the 
troops are as comfortable as could be expected. One of 
them, the *John Brooks,' is a huge affair, and carries at 
least thirteen hundred men. The *Arrowsmith' carries 
about six hundred of the Fifth and the headquarters of the 
brigade. We are much less crowded than the rest; and 
are indeed quite comfortable. The cabin is occupied by 
Colonel Starr and his staff, and a few of the officers of the 

235 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Fifth. A 'brigade' appointment has its dangers and re- 
sponsibiUties; but it also ha^ts privileges — chief among 
which are better quarters and more authority. 

"As I write, the teams are slowly embarking, and we 
expect to bid farewell to these dreary regions either to- 
night or early in the morning. The boats all have steam 
up, and have orders to get under way at a moment's notice. 
We leave behind us all of our teams save four to a regi- 
ment, and three for the brigade headquarters. So, we 
turned over to the quartermaster here all our tents, and 
received instead the little shelter tents, which the men will 
carry on their shoulders. The brigade staff, however, 
are each allowed a wall tent and a servant's tent, so that 
we shall be all right. * * * 

"And now, you naturally ask, whither are we bound ? 
Nobody knows certainly, except General Hooker ; and he 
very properly — keeps his own counsel. Nevertheless, we 
all suppose that we are bound for Fortress Monroe, and 
thence to Richmond. There will be a great and bloody 
battle there. You people at home have no conception of 
the immense force that has been quietly, yet rapidly, con- 
centrating there. McClellan went down a week ago, and 
for two weeks, or rather three, the river has been day and 
night crowded with the transports carrying troops thither 
and returning. The whole prodigious Army of the Poto- 
mac, with the exception of two or three small divisions, 
has gone there, and yet the papers have been silent as 
death, and few of you know anything about it. Keep this 
news quiet, but remember it in case you hear of any move- 
ments there. Be sure our force will be brave and over- 
whelming, and will prove invincible (if duly handled) by 
any force the Confeds can bring against it. We leave here 
a regiment of Indiana cavalry and the Fifty-sixth Penn- 
sylvania, which arrived from Washington on Friday ; which 
force is deemed sufficient to guard the Maryland shore. 

236 



Some Army Letters 

"I regret to say, have been ill for twenty-four hours past, 
though now able to sit up and write. Our orders came 
on Thursday night, and all day Friday I was in the saddle, 
arranging and assigning the transports, and did not finish 
till late that night. Yesterday we were up before day- 
light; and about sunrise — as usual, indeed ahvays, when 
tlie Fifth has moved — it set in to rain. A dull, heavy air, 
filled at times with rapid rain, and always with more or 
less, prevailed throughout the day ; and when at 5 p. M. I 
came aboard the 'Arrowsmith,' was well worn out. An 
hour afterward, Colonel Starr wanted an important order 
to go ashore, and of course I volunteered. But when I 
returned it was long after dark, and I knew I should be ill. 
So I was, all last night, and all day to-day, until 5 p. m., 
when I began to rally. As I write, it is 8 p. m._, and I feel 
my old cheerfulness returning. Have been sitting up 
for three hours, and trust by morning I shall be myself 
again. * * * 

**It has not been much of a Sunday ; yet I have read one 
chapter in the Psalms — that favorite one of mine beginning 
with 'God is our refuge and strength, a very present help 
in trouble.' Have not had as clear an indication of the 
Divine Presence for many months. How good God is at 
times, when we need His consolation most |" * * * 

**James River, Va. 1 
April 8, 1862. J 

*'Dear Father and Friends : We are here in Hamp- 
ton Roads, just off Fortress Monroe. Left Rum Point 
Sunday night, and arrived here yesterday (Monday) 
about 4 p. M. A storm set in yesterday morning, and the 
bay became very rough. The storm still continues, and 
we are still on board the ^Arrowsmith.' We are to go up 
York River to a place called Ship Point ; where we are to 
join our army corps — Heintzelman's. But three boats of 

237 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the brigade have arrived ; tlie rest, and all the rest of the 
division, are still somewhere up the bay or river. 

"Great movements here. An immense amount of ship- 
ping, steamboats and sailing vessels. The little 'Monitor,' 
Ericsson's battery, lies off in the stream about one eighth 
of a mile from us. She looks precisely like what the 
Rebels called her, 'A Yankee cheese-box on a raft !' 

'T write this hastily, late Tuesday afternoon, merely to 
say we are here safe. Will write more at length after 
we land." 

** Fortress Monroe, Va. 1 
April 13, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends: * * * Our brigade left here Friday 
morning. All but one boat had arrived on Monday and 
Tuesday ; but they were detained here by the storm until 
Friday. It was a wild and terrible storm ; and our vessels 
were afraid to venture out. On our boat there was no stove 
in the cabin, and I suffered much. Wednesday the storm 
grew worse; and it was so disagreeable that Colonel Starr 
sent me aboard another boat, where there was a stove. 

"Thursday morning, not being any better, he ordered 
me ashore, and placed in hospital. They expected to leave 
immediately, but were detained until Friday morning. 
Early that morning they all left for Ship Point ; which you 
will observe by the inclosed map, is up York River, and 
only about six miles from Yorktown. Heard from them 
yesterday. They arrived at Ship Point the same day they 
left ; and at once disembarked. Thence they marched two 
miles to Heintzelman's corps ; where they encamped in the 
woods, about four miles from Yorktown. 

"Am here at the United States Hospital, in the old 
Hygeia Hotel. It is a comfortable two-story frame build- 
ing; right under the guns of Fortress Monroe. It con- 
tains about five hundred sick men, in all degrees of sick- 
ness. Am in a little room about twenty feet sauare, with 

238 



Some Army Letters 

two other officers. One is nearly well, and will soon leave; 
the other is very low with camp fever. We each have a 
little iron bedstead, with a comfortable bed. My colored 
boy, Moses, is with me, and takes the best of care of me. 
He never leaves me, night or day, and is as gentle as a 
woman. * * * 

"Our forces have already invested Yorktown. If York- 
town surrenders, and I am not there, it seems to me I shall 
die with vexation. * * * 

''I suppose I ought to say something about the 'Merri- 
mac' I saw her on Friday, when she first came out;^ and 
from the top of the hospital, with my glass, watched her 
some time. She came out of Norfolk about 8 a. m., and 
steamed leisurely over about halfway to Newport News, 
when she stopped, as if reconnoitering. With her were 
two large black steamers, the 'Jamestown' and the 'York- 
town,' and a half dozen little tugs. The 'Yorktown' 
stopped a moment at the 'Merrimac,' and then put off to- 
ward Newport News; suddenly she tacked about, and 
came right down the north shore of the bay toward Hamp- 
ton. Everybody was astounded. What could she mean ? 
We soon found out. There were three little schooners 
there, like those in your canal ; and she went down like a 
snake after toads, deliberately to gobble them up. With 
the utmost coolness, she fastened first one and then an- 
other to her, and then struck boldly ofT for Norfolk. The 
audacity of the thing struck everybody dumb. A gun- 
boat was immediately ordered around to Hampton ; but it 
was too late then to 'lock the door' — the horse was gone ! 
The shipping at once took fright. Sloop after sloop, 
schooner after schooner, immediately hoisted sail, and 
soon a hundred of them were scampering down the Roads, 
and out into the bay, as if Old Nick was after them ! 

"Meanwhile the 'Merrimac' lay still, as if waiting for 

* Her second appearance. 

16 239 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the return of her consort, '^Wrktown.' It was two hours 
before she returned. Then they laid their heads together, 
as if consuhing; then they separated and lay to, like bull- 
dogs watching. The *Merrimac' was four miles off, and 
I could see her plainly. She looks exactly like the roof of 
a house, for all the world, except that there are four sides 
instead of two ; and she has a big, black smokestack stick- 
ing up through the center. In front, just above the 
water's edge, I could see a projecting ram's head, which at 
that distance looked just like the head of a turtle poked out 
ahead as it paddles along. The whole thing is the hugest, 
most ungainly, and horrible looking monster you ever 
imagined. The 'Monitor' looks like a tadpole, when com- 
pared with her. A little, long, low, black thing — 'a cheese- 
box on a raft,' is all I can call her. 

"On Friday she lay quietly out in the stream, awaiting 
the onset of the 'Merrimac' A short distance off lay the 
'Naugatuck' — Stevens's battery. Just back of both, con- 
cealed behind the Fortress, was the 'Vanderbilt,' cased in 
cotton bales, and armed with a sharp steel bow ; intended 
by her great speed and weight to run the 'Merrimac' down. 
Their plan was to draw the 'Merrimac' down to where 
they lay, so that the guns of the fort and also those of the 
Rip-Raps might all be brought to bear on her. Shewasevi- 
dently afraid. She floundered about for several hours, 
as if uncertain whether to advance or retreat ; and, finally, 
by way of variety, pitched a shot at the 'Naugatuck,' which 
fell short. The little 'Naugatuck,' no bigger than a scow, 
promptly replied; and threw a two-hundred-and-forty- 
pound shot far beyond the 'Merrimac' In two minutes 
she fired again, and her shot struck the water within 
twenty yards of the *Merrimac.' A cheer burst from the 
crowd on shore here ; and forthwith the 'Merrimac' turned 
tail and, with her consorts, paddled off for Norfolk, evi- 
dently quite disgusted. Yesterday she poked her nose 

240 



Some Army Letters 

around Sewall's Point, and to-day again; but she has not 
ventured out. Our people here have the greatest confi- 
dence in the 'Monitor,' the 'Naugatuck,' and their other 
defenses, and are eager and anxious for the 'Merrimac' to 
give them battle." * * * 

** Fortress Monroe, Va. "1 
April 24, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends: I did not write last Sunday. Was 
too unwell and too excited. Had been lying here a w^eek 
and a half ; sometimes worse and sometimes better. One 
bed had been occupied by three different officers; all of 
whom had recovered and returned to their regiments, and 
still here I lay in torment. The occupant of the other bed 
— a Captain Samuel Barstow, of Oswego, N. Y. — how- 
ever, was far worse. He had come the same day I had, 
and was a little delirious then, poor fellow ! He had the 
camp fever, which rapidly assumed a typhoidal character, 
and from the first we hadn't much hope of him. He 
thought he would soon be well ; but all the time he grew 
worse, until last Sunday, when the surgeon gave him up. 
It was a terrible day. He was unconscious of everybody 
but his attendants; and writhed and raved in delirium, 
until wholly exhausted. Part of the time it took two men 
to hold him on his bed. He fancied there was a gang of 
men lurking about to kill him, and his shrieks at times 
were appalling. I couldn't bear to be in the room ; yet I 
had to go there at night, and all the while he was dying. 
His struggles grew feeble, until about midnight, when he 
quietly yielded up the ghost. The hospital attendants 
were called, and he was soon removed to the 'dead room ;* 
but you can form no idea how I felt the remainder of the 
night. My poor boy, Moses, lay quietly on the floor by 
my side ; but neither of us slept a wink all night. Captain 
Barstow's father was in Washington, and was telegraphed 
immediately. He was refused a pass here ; but he went to 

241 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the Secretary of War in pers^ and wrung one from him. 
He arrived here Tuesday, ana conveyed the remains of his 
son home. 

"Such is another of my experiences ! I think if I keep 
on, I shall be pretty well 'posted' in army life, ere the war 
is over. Thank heaven ! I shall not be here much longer. 
Shall leave for the brigade to-day or to-morrow. It 
moved last week from Ship Point, up close to Yorktown, 
and is now with the advance. 

"The chaplain was down to see me last week; he rode 
down on horseback, a distance of twenty-two miles — pret- 
ty good for an old man like him. Rode back, too, the same 
day. A brave and faithful man, after all. 

"There is a terrific battle preparing there. Cannon and 
mortars, shot and shell, are leaving here every hour, in 
immense quantities. This morning a large train of am- 
bulances went up. There will be some furious fighting 
there. It will be the second fight of the Army of the Poto- 
mac ; and the great battle of the Rebellion, apparently. 

"There is no more news of the ^Merrimac' She hasn't 
come out for a week. Fort W^ool, on the Rip-Raps, ex- 
changes an occasional shot with Sewall's Point ; but it 
amounts to little. Our people here repose implicit confi- 
dence in the 'Monitor ;' though I must confess she hardly 
seems to deserve it." 

**In Camp before Yorktown, Va. 1 
April 27, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends: Arrived here last night about dark. 
Left Fortress Monroe yesterday about 2 p. m., and came 
by steamboat to Ship Point. Here I landed myself and 
horses. Fortunately, found a wagon that was coming up 
to headquarters, and put my trunk and bedding aboard 
that. Came near losing my gray horse, in landing him. 
The gangway was very narrow and steep, and when about 

242 



Some Army Letters 

halfway ashore he sUpped and fell, both hindquarters fall- 
ing over the dock. His head and forequarters being 
ashore, after a deal of work and pulling, we succeeded in 
getting him up and saving him. He was scratched pretty 
badly, and somewhat bruised; yet he carried me bravely 
up to camp, some six miles, over horrible roads. 

"I say 'horrible' — most horrible! It has rained here 
for several days, and the bottom is all out. The soil is a 
light sandy loam, of no thickness ; underlaid by quicksand. 
When the top gets wet, it cuts right through, and wagons 
sink to the axletrees. I think I must have passed at least 
a hundred scattered along the road, stuck fast. 

"I took everybody by surprise last night. All crowded 
in to welcome me back ; but I was tired and fatigued. 
They will take good care of me here. My friends hustled 
around this morning and got a floor for my tent, and a 
little sheet-iron stove, so that I am quite comfortable. In- 
deed, there is but one other stove in the whole brigade; 
and where they got mine from is a mystery. 

"By the bye, should anything happen to me while in the 
army, and you come on to see after me, apply for informa- 
tion to either of the following persons: Colonel S. H. 
Starr (commanding brigade). Lieutenant Colonel Mott, 
Dr. James C. Fisher, Adjutant C. K. Hall, or Quartermas- 
ter Sergeant Sandt, all of the Fifth Regiment : or to Quar- 
termaster Thomas P. Johnston, of the Seventh. All of 
these are my good friends, and will assist you every way. 
* * * If I get no better, shall be home soon. But T want to 
be here ; and don't think it soldierly to leave, now that we 
are face to face with the enemy, on the eve of a great 
battle. 

"Yorktown is about three miles away ; our outposts, 
about two. The troops are laboring hard, and are much 
exposed : yet they are hilarious and enthusiastic. Our first 
parallel is already open, and every night thousands throng 

243 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the trenches. It is a regular siege, just like Sebastopol. 
Everybody is wide awake, ^econnoissances, skirmishes, 
and sorties are continually occurring. Berdan's sharp- 
shooters are performing prodigies. It will be a long time 
before the assault is made. Should not be surprised if 
weeks yet elapsed. A siege is always excessively slow; 
especially if it be a 'big thing' like this. * * * 

"It is a very queer Sunday we are spending here, with 
cannon roaring and shells bursting every few minutes, all 
along the lines. But my trust is in God, and Him only 
will I serve." 

** In Camp near Williamsburg, Va. 1 
May 6, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends : It is Tuesday night, and I feel I ought 
to write you a line ; though I hardly know how. * * * 

*'0f course, you have heard of the great battle here. 
Yorktown was evacuated Saturday night. We started in 
pursuit Sunday morning. Hooker's division led the ad- 
vance, our brigade being third in order. Marched all day 
Sunday and all night Sunday night, with frequent halts, 
because of road obstructed, etc. ; and at eight o'clock Mon- 
day morning overtook the enemy near here. Hooker 
formed line of battle, and attacked immediately. Our 
brigade held the left wing, which the Confeds tried to 
turn. Our division, about ten thousand strong, fought 
the whole rear guard of the Rebel Army, some thirty 
thousand, as reported, all day; and at 4 p. m. had gained 
and lost the battle ground no less than four times. Hooker 
had sent messenger after messenger for reinforcements, 
but the rain had made the road so horrible, that the troops 
could not get up. 

"At last, at 4 p. M., as I have said, General Kearny, a 
Jerseyman, came up with his division. Our men were al- 
ready giving way ; fifteen minutes later he would have 
found them retreating. They had fought all day, had no 

244 



Some Army Letters 

ammunition left, had eaten nothing since morning, and 
were discouraged at being left to fight alone. But Kearny 
— God bless him! — arrived at the critical juncture, pro- 
claimed himself a Jerseyman, rallied our wavering ranks, 
in the name of the Union, and with his bands playing The 
Star-Spangled Banner,' and his men yelling like savages, 
led his division to the attack on the double-quick. The 
effect was glorious; our division at once rallied, and the 
Conf eds, falling back at all points, were soon fleeing every- 
where. 

*T can't say much more. Our loss has been heavy. The 
colonel of the Eighth was wounded and will probably die. 
His major was shot dead. The lieutenant colonel of the 
Seventh is severely wounded. The lieutenant colonel of 
the Sixth was killed; as also his adjutant, Lieutenant 
Wilkes, of Trenton. The colonel of the Fifth was slight- 
ly wounded. And now of ourselves at brigade head- 
quarters. General Patterson^ had his horse killed; Cap- 
tain Freese, ditto ; and Lieutenant Hall's horse wounded. 
Am safe myself, but used up. 

''Of company officers many have fallen, and others are 
wounded. Lieutenant Lalor (of Trenton) is killed; his 
body will be sent home. We have many prisoners." 

** Camp near Williamsburg, Va. "1 
May 8, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends : Wrote you a hasty letter on Tuesday 
night. To-day, Thursday, have more leisure, and write 
again. 

"The accounts I sent you of the fight here are absolutely 
true in fact ; though the papers we have received so far do 
not even mention us. However, we have only Tuesday's 
papers, and their news is only down to early Monday. The 
fight was a gallant one, and only failed to be decisive be- 

> He had been assigned to the command of the brigade only a few days previously. 

245 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

cause of either the slowness or timidity of General Sum- 
ner. Our division, early il^the day, obtained a position 
from v^hich they could have advanced up a ravine, under 
good cover from the enemy's fire, and outflanking his 
right have gained his rear, had v^e been even feebly sup- 
ported. This movement would have resulted either in 
bagging the whole Rebel Army, or in driving them panic- 
stricken back on Richmond. General Hooker sent mes- 
senger after messenger to Sumner to cooperate ; but he 
stubbornly refused. All day he lay within two miles of 
our heroic men, in plain sight and sound of the Rebel guns, 
and let us fight on weary and alone. He was Hooker's 
superior officer, and could only be solicited. McClellan 
was miles back, somewhere lost in the woods, and could 
not be found. 

"Fortunately Kearny came up, scouting around for 
himself, and seeing our perilous position, took the respon- 
sibility of ordering up his division; and came on at the 
double-quick. He rode up to a group of our men, that lay 
weary and exhausted by the roadside, and inquired who 
they were. They replied, 'J^rseymen !' 

'' *Well, then,' said he, 'in the name of God, follow a one- 
armed Jersey Blue back into the fight, and we'll whip them 
to pieces !' 

"He had lost one arm in Mexico, and his heroic conduct 
now, as he sat coolly on horseback, at the head of his di- 
vision, roused our boys to the wildest enthusiasm. They 
forgot their weariness, they forgot their exhaustion, they 
forgot their wounds, even; and with terrific cheers went 
back to the conflict with a spirit that proved irresistible. 
The Confeds soon fled at all points ; and our men lay down 
to sleep on the battlefield. 

"The spectacle on Tuesday morning as I rode along, 
was sickening. The dead yet lay upon the battlefield, and 
the wounded were being carried along in litters to the vari- 

246 



Some Army Letters 

ous hospitals. In a row of dead officers, that had been car- 
ried in near headquarters, I recognized poor DeKlynLalor. 
He was hit in the forehead, early in the day, and soon ex- 
pired. Subsequently his body fell into the hands of the 
Rebels, who bayoneted him through the foot, and then 
robbed and stripped him. Many of our dead, and a large 
number of our wounded fell into the hands of the Rebels at 
one time ; but subsequently we drove the enemy back, and 
recovered most of them. We found a large number at 
Williamsburg, whither the Confeds had sent them. 

''Our brigade loses in killed, wounded, and missing five 
hundred and thirty- four. We went into the fight with two 
thousand two hundred and fifty, so that we lose nearly one 
fourth — a very large proportion. The other brigades of 
the division suffered severely, though not so heavily. It 
was a hard-fought battle and a bravely won victory ; and 
when the truth is all known, it will figure in history as one 
of the most closely contested engagements of the cam- 
paign or war. 

''The weather has cleared up beautifully. The coun- 
try about here seems to be a much better one than we have 
hitherto found. It is an old settled district of the State. 
Williamsburg is a town of some three thousand people; 
and in Colonial times was the capital of Virginia. Have 
not been out of camp to look around; but the reports are 
all favorable. We are encamped in a wheat stubble field, 
the soil of which is certainly fair. 

"It is uncertain whether I shall get home or not. There 
are so many others, who are wounded, that ought to go, 
that I can illy be spared. Am on duty every day, and 
manage to 'pull through' somehow. So don't expect me 
till you see me. 

"As I suppose you have heard, Colonel Starr has been 
relieved of the command of the brigade. His successor 
arrived on Saturday, as we marched on Sunday; and at 

247 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

once assumed command. His name is Frank Patterson, 
a son of General Robert Patierson, of Philadelphia. He is 
a brigadier general, and was appointed at the request of 
McClellan. He is more pleasant and affable than Starr ; 
anybody can approach him ; he is cool and quiet and says 
but little. In the fight, he was as calm as if on parade or 
drill, and fought the brigade splendidly. He says he never 
saw men and officers behave better under fire, and is enthu- 
siastic in his praise of the Jerseymen. The troops are well 
pleased with him. He continued me in my appointment 
as acting brigade quartermaster ; much against the wishes 
of Colonel Starr, who wanted me to return to the Fifth 
Regiment. 

'T. S. — A mail just come, and I have a paper from 

home and a letter from E ! Good! Bless the post 

office!" 

** Camp near West Point, Va. 1 
May 12, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends : I did not write you yesterday, because 
too weary. We left camp at Williamsburg Saturday 
morning, and marched some fifteen miles; when we en- 
camped for the night. It was a warm day, and the men 
suffered severely. We encamped in an oat field ; the gen- 
eral and his staff bivouacked under a large apple tree. Our 
poor horses had a good time on the young oats and a wheat 
field adjoining; and they needed it sadly. On this whole 
movement they have been worked cruelly and fed 
wretchedly. Some days we had no grain, and hardly ever 
any hay. 

"Yesterday morning (Sunday) we took a late start, and 
marched leisurely along till 3 p. M., when we encamped 
here, where we are to stay for a day or so. We are about 
five miles from West Point, in the midst of a well-culti- 
vated country. It is the best country I have seen in all 
Secessia. The houses, barns, fences, and fields all indi- 

248 



Some Army Letters 

cate a very considerable degree of prosperity. A few in- 
habitants remain, who are probably half loyal. We are 
encamped in a rolling clover field, on the farm of a man 
who claims to be Union, but hardly knows what Union 
means. 

"Am getting quite well again, and thankful I am. The 
quartermaster of the Seventh is lying very ill at York- 
town, and is not expected to survive. The quartermasters 
of the Sixth and the Eighth are both sick here; and the 
quartermaster of the Fifth, the only one fit for duty, was 
only appointed last week, and is therefore green. Don't 
know what they would do without me. I manage every- 
thing, by pen and brain ; and am writing orders and letters 
all day and half the night. 

"We expect to go from here direct to Richmond. We 
have great good news from all quarters; from Norfolk, 
New Orleans, Corinth, etc. ; and I guess the most of us will 
get home next fall or spring. Am very busy and must 
close. I wish merely to add, that the newspaper accounts 
of the battle of Williamsburg are meanly false. Our di- 
vision lost one thousand five hundred men, in killed, 
wounded, and missing; and it is totally ignored. The 
whole thing was a useless sacrifice, and McCleltan is afraid 
to publish the truth. General Patterson declares justice 
shall be done the Jersey brigade, or he will resign." 

**Camp near New Kent Court House, Va. 1 
May i6, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends: * * * We moved here yesterday, 
marching some six miles. Breaking camp about 6 a. m., 
we made good time until 8 or 9 a. m., when it set in to rain, 
and poured pretty steadily. The road was full of troops 
and trains, and we made slow progress. At noon the 
roads had become so heavy, it was deemed advisable to halt 
and encamp ; which we did in a heavy rain. You would 

249 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

think it hard to encamp in the mud; but we get used to 
such things. Having once pitched your tent, you send for 
a pile of wood, arrange this before the door of your tent, 
kindle a fire ; and in an hour or two, let it rain as it will, 
you will be dry enough inside. 

''To-day the roads are frightful. General Hooker pro- 
nounced them impassable, and forbade the division to 
move. I sent five four-horse teams six miles to draw four 
thousand pounds of forage ! They left at 10.30 a. m., and 
got back at dark. We shall probably stop here a day or 
two, as the road ahead of us is so full of troops that it will 
be impossible to move. The whole Peninsula is crowded 
with soldiers, and heaven only knows what McClellan 
wants of them all ! 

"It has cleared off, and the night is beautiful. The sight 
outside my tent is one well worth seeing. The country 
for a mile around is rolling and fertile, and the whole space 
crowded with encampments. Immediately before me lies 
our whole division, of over ten thousand men ; the lights 
gleaming up from the tents, and flickering from a hundred 
camp fires. Our headquarters is on a little ridge, just in 
the edge of a pine woods, and commands a fine view of 
everything around us. As we sit at the tent door, and 
smoke our evening pipes, the cheerful murmur of the camp 
floats up the hill ; and our own voices chime in, as we talk 
of the friends at home. * * * 

"There is no immediate prospect of a fight here, nor do 
I think we shall have much severe fighting. Richmond 
will be evacuated, and the whole concern *shut up shop* 
and go South soon. However, it is impossible to say what 
a day or an hour may bring forth." 

250 



Some Army Letters 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade,' 
Hooker's Division, 
On the Road, 21 Miles from Richmond 
May 19, 1862. 

"Dear Friends : It is now Monday night. I write now 
instead of yesterday, because I have only now the leisure. 
The past week has been a busy and laborious one. On 
Tuesday we moved about three miles, and camped for the 
night. On Thursday we moved again, in the midst of 
rain, and made some eight miles. Yesterday, Sunday, of 
course, we started again, and desecrated one of God's most 
beautiful Sabbaths by another march of some six miles. 
This morning we started again at nine o'clock, and at 
about four reached here — a distance of perhaps eight 
miles. It began to rain about ten o'clock, and poured 
pretty steadily until we reached camp, when it ceased, and 
it has since then cleared off very nicely. 

*'We are encamped just on the road, within the edge of 
a pine woods, in one of the most lovely sections of the 
country I ever saw. The land, for some seven hundred 

acres, belongs to a Dr. C ; he lives just across the road, 

perhaps an eighth of a mile from our headquarters, and 
has the finest house and the best looking farm that I have 
seen anywhere in Secessia. This evening General Patter- 
son and staff took tea there. One week ago, he told us, 
General Joe Johnston, General Lee, General Magruder, 
General Longstreet, General Smith, and the redoubtable 
Jeff. Davis himself, sat down to tea in the same room, at 
the same table. 

"To-day two Rebel generals came within our lines, car- 
rying a flag of truce. They passed us blindfolded, on their 
way to McClellan's headquarters. They were large, 
thick-set, fine-looking men, dressed in the flashy gray 
cloth of their uniform. Of course, we are ignorant of 
their errand; though 'Little Mac' knows it by this time. 

251 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"I see that McClellan has M last found out that Hooker 
was at Williamsburg. It was high time. If he had not 
acknowledged our services there, it would have raised a 
storm, which would have blown him out of the commander 
in chiefship, like a feather. Hooker's report is yet to 
come in ; he showed it to me the other day, and it will do 
the Jersey brigade some little justice. All the stories you 
see in the papers about our brigade 'breaking and running' 
there, you may, in my name, brand as infamous lies. It 
astounds us, beyond measure, how anybody can lie so. 
Out of two thousand two hundred and fifty, with which we 
began the fight, we lost five hundred and thirty-four, near- 
ly twenty-five per cent, which is a large average for the 
bloodiest fight; it is more than the French lost at either 
Magenta or Solferino, and almost twice what they and the 
English lost at the storming of Sebastopol. Cowards 
don't sustain such losses. They are careful of their hides. 
It is only heroes and veterans who are strangers to fear 
and account death preferable to defeat and disgrace. It is 
but the truth of history, that if it had not been for the 
heroic valor and sublime courage of the Jersey brigade on 
that hard-fought day, Hooker's division would have been 
outflanked and the whole army rolled back upon York- 
town. * * * 

"Much as I desire to see you all, and much as I know 
you desire to see me, I cannot reconcile it to my sense of 
duty to leave here now. Every quartermaster in the bri- 
gade, save one, is either sick or absent; and as a conse- 
quence my hands are full. * * * Pray excuse me ; and I will 
come home, after we have fought and won at Richmond ! 
T greatly need rest and a change, it is true ; but this is no 
time to take either." 

252 



Some Army Letters 

*' Headquarters 3D Brigade, 

Hooker's Division, 

Bottom Bridge, Va. 

May 24, 1862. 

''Dear Friends : It is now Saturday afternoon ; but I 
seize tlie opportunity of writing, as to-morrow we may 
not be here. We left camp at Baltimore Cross Roads yes- 
terday, about 5 p. M., and reached here about 8 p. m. — a 
distance of perhaps five miles. The roads were very heavy, 
and the troops marched very slowly. The wagon-train 
stuck badly, and some of the teams did not get in till late 
this morning. We had supper at 9.30 P. m., and lay down 
to sleep, under the shelter of a grand old oak, a little after 
10 p. M. Slept soundly till morning. After breakfast, 
it set in to rain, and that put us to pitching tents as rapidly 
as possible. It has rained quite steadily all day ; a cold raw 
rain, that will play havoc with the men, if it continues 
long. We remain in camp to-day, as we cannot move; 
and shall probably be off again to-morrow, as it happens to 
be Sunday ! Of course, we move 'On to Richmond !' We 
are now within thirteen miles of that Rebel nest, and shall 
certainly soon be there; even if we have to fight for it. 

"At our last camp, Baltimore Cross Roads, we lay for 
several days, and it was a godsend to us. The weather 
was warm and pleasant, most of the time. Our camping 
ground was a sloping pine woods. The men and teams 
both had a fine chance to recruit their worn energies. The 
woods, together with a fine property of seven hundred 

acres adjoining, belongs to a Dr. C . I believe I spoke 

of him in my last. He is a thorough Secessionist, and was 
a member of the Convention that voted Virginia out of the 
Union. He had some twenty slaves, of whom twelve 
'skedaddled' to parts unknown, shortly after our encamp- 
ment, and six more were sensible enough to follow their 
footsteps on Thursday night. He thought them very 

253 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

'ungrateful,' one especially who was so foolish as to take 
along her baby. He didn't^etend to work his 'niggers' 
much, as he had only three hundred acres of cleared 
land; but he raised them regularly for the market, the 
same as he bred any other stock! He had a blacksmith 
shop, just in the corner of the woods, below our head- 
quarters. Our men took possession of it, and proceeded 
to shoe up our horses, and repair wagons, harness, etc. 
We had our own tools and horseshoes ; but used his forge, 
a little of his iron, and a small amount of coal. As we 
were leaving, he came to me, as brigade quartermaster, 
and wanted pay for the damage. 

" 'How much iron have our men used?' 

" 'I reckon, sir, about five pounds !' 

" 'How much coal ?' 

" 'About half a bushel !' 

" 'And what are iron and coal worth in ordinary times?' 

" 'W^ell, sir, iron sells for about six cents a pound, and 
coal for about forty cents per bushel ; though both are 
higher now !' 

"That is, you claim just fifty cents! And you own 
seven hundred acres, and twenty slaves, and are one of the 
F. F. V.'s! I'll tell' what Til do. If you will take the 
"oath of allegiance," and hang out the Stars and Stripes, 
I'll settle your claim instanter. Otherwise, I think it will 
have to rest !' 

"Here was a man w^ho deliberately trafficked in human 
flesh and blood, to the extent of thousands of dollars per 
year, and voted for Secession ; and yet he had the audacity 
to present a claim against the United States for fifty cents ! 
I asked him if he had been a Union man, and ours a Secesh 
Army, what would have been his treatment. 'O ! sir, I 
suppose they would have taken all my property and im- 
prisoned me, too/ Yet we 'protected' him carefully, and 
placed a guard at his house to keep marauders off ! 

254 



Some Army Letters 

"The country here is fine and would be beautiful, were 
it not for the ravages of war. God spare New Jersey from 
the horrors of the march of a hostile army ! For miles on 
each side, the country is practically devastated. The 
fences are thrown down or destroyed. The young gram 
and clover are pastured off or trampled under foot. The 
cattle and horses, if not driven oft*, wander idly where they 
choose. The houses are deserted. The Negroes some- 
times work and sometimes hold high carnival. And how 
in the world the population is to subsist, I really cannot 
tell. Fortunately, but few of them deserve to 'subsist' 
(they have been such wicked traitors) ; and these, I sup- 
pose. Uncle Sam will take care of ! 

"Monday, May 26. — We are two miles across the 
Chickahominy, and an order has just come to prepare for 
battle. Ere you get this, likely we shall either be in 
Richmond or badly defeated. Am out of postage stamps 
and can't get any here. Please send me a hundred when 
you write." 

*'0n the Road, near Savage's Station, ) 

Ten Miles from Richmond, Va. > 

Monday, June 2, 1862. ) 

" Dear Friends : On Saturday afternoon at four 
o'clock, the brigade moved off hastily toward Richmond. 
We had heard heavy firing for three or four hours, and the 
news came that Casey's division had been surprised and 
driven back by the enemy. Kearny and Hooker moved 
up promptly to support ; and the enemy were checked and 
driven back. When the brigade marched, I was ordered 
to take all the teams and baggage, with the least delay, 
back to the east side of the Chickahominy. The roads 
were horrible, yet we succeeded in getting all the trains 
and about three fourths of the baggage across by 10 p. m. 
It then set in to rain, and was so pitch dark that we sus- 
pended operations till morning. 
17 255 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Sunday morning, at daj^ight, the battle was renewed. 
The teams were all sent bacK, before sunrise; and by lo 
A. M. we had all across save a few loads. At this time, the 
battle was so dubious that I received orders to hold my 
trains in hand, east of the river, and to abandon the rest of 
the baggage, if necessary. By twelve noon affairs 
brightened, and at i p. m. I got orders to send the teams 
for the rest immediately. Sent them off, and at 3 p. m. 
got orders to recross the river and move to the front. Left 
orders for the absent teams, and at 4 p. m. recrossed, and 
at 8 p. m. found the brigade about six miles in advance. 
The battle was severe ; the Rebels had been repulsed, but 
still showed a good front a mile or so away ; and General 
Patterson ordered me to turn the trains and retire to a safe 
distance in the rear. Vexed with the multiplicity of or- 
ders, I yet cheerfully complied; and, each quartermaster 
leading his own regimental train, we were soon again in 
motion. 

"We retired a half mile or so, and at 9.30 p. m. parked 
the wagons by the roadside. Had a cup of coffee, a hard 
cracker, and some cold meat, and at 11 p. m. lay down to 
sleep. At midnight a regiment in advance of my train 
(some Pennsylvanians, I hear) became panic-stricken by 
a loose horse galloping through its lines; and with the 
most awful cries of The Rebels are upon us ! Their cav- 
alry are butchering our men everywhere !' they stampeded 
through my trains, as if Old Nick was after them. I had 
just fallen into a doze, but springing up, I seized my pistol 
and saber, and rushing out of my tent, called upon every- 
body to *halt.' You might as well have called to a herd of 
maddened steers. There was no stopping the dastards, 
till T formed my little wagon-guard — about fifty men — in 
line with fixed bayonets and orders to shoot the first man 
that attempted to pass. 

"I knew it was a *panic' from the first In springing to 



Some Army Letters 

my feet, I was cool enough to reflect that nearly our whole 
Army lay before us, and that a dash of Rebel cavalry was 
impossible, without prolonged picket-firing. One fellow 
I. collared and hurled to the ground, and another my good 
boy Moses deliberately knocked down with my saddle. 
Said Mose, 'Just to think of dem big soldiers runnin' dat 
way ! Golly, dis nigger wouldn't be such a baby !' 

"This morning, I received orders to fall back a mile far- 
ther; and now am here. There is some fighting in the 
advance, but it recedes ; and the Rebels are doubtless fall- 
ing back. Word has just come that our brigade has gone 
ahead, and I momentarily expect to advance again. I 
chafe very much under the necessity which compels me to 
be here; but the orders of McClellan are stringent, and 
require every division, brigade, and regimental quarter- 
master to remain with his train, under penalty of being 
court-martialed and dismissed from the service. 

''The battle in front is yet undecided, but I have thought 
it best to write to you, as this is my time. Shall write you 
more fully, when all is over. I do hope that we shall get 
to Richmond soon." 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade. 1 
June 8, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends : * * * I have good news from Wash- 
ington. Major Webb, our paymaster, arrived to-day, and 
he reports that the President nominated me for brigade 
quartermaster, so long ago as the middle of May. Should 
this nomination be confirmed, as it probably will be, I 
shall at least have made a sure step in my own department. 
This, however, is but little satisfaction to me now; as I 
have had all the honor of the place for six months past, 
and done all its duties. 

"It is Sunday evening. Of course, we moved again to- 
day. About half a mile, *0n to Richmond,' but very slow- 
ly. Last Sunday we fought; to-day we marched. I 

257 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

wrote you a letter in lead j^cil, I believe, last Monday. 
That stated something about a fight. It was a desperate 
one, on Saturday. The fact is, Casey was overwhelmed 
and badly whipped. We marched to his support at 5 p. m., 
and reached him at dark. The fight had ceased with his 
being driven back over a mile, and when night fell the Reb- 
els occupied Casey's camp. Our supports poured in from 
all points that night; and on Sunday morning at six 
o'clock, when we moved to the attack, we drove the Rebels 
everywhere. 

*Two of our regiments, the Seventh and Eighth, were 
back at Bottom's Bridge, guarding the Chickahominy. 
The Fifth and Sixth went in on Sunday, led by General 
Hooker in person. As they approached, with solid front, 
to a swamp, one of Casey's brigadiers suggested, that the 
ground was swampy in there, and the men couldn't get 
through. 

" 'Get out of the way,' was Hooker's response; 'I have 
two regiments here, that can go anywhere.' 

"And they did. The Rebels fled before them, and by 
9 A. M. we had driven them out of Casey's camp, and ad- 
vanced to our old outposts. That was one week ago, and 
there we lie now. There has been no advance beyond 
Casey's old camp. The papers lie ; they lie horribly. They 
are trying hard to make McClellan a great man ; whereas 
I sometimes fear he is a great donkey. Our loss was very 
heavy, principally on Saturday. Casey lost everything 
but his own life ; and he was a fool not to have thrown that 
away. T fear our loss will not fall short of two thousand 
killed, and six thousand wounded. The loss on Sunday 
was trifling — in our own brigade, but some sixty in both 
killed and wounded. There was no fight on Monday. 
The Herald is mistaken. It was all over on Sunday by 9 
A. M., and the Jersey brigade ended it. 

"The Rebel loss must have been enormous. Sumner 

258 



Some Army Letters 

buried one thousand on his part of the field. Our division 
has been burying all the week, and the woods are still full 
of them. The stench from their decaying bodies fills the 
atmosphere ; and life here in camp is simply horrible. On 
Monday afternoon, just up the road from here, I counted 
sixty-five dead Rebels in a place not so large as your 
house. They lay in heaps. Our artillery literally niozved 
them down. We estimate their total loss at at least fif- 
teen thousand — say, five thousand killed and ten thousand 
wounded. 

''O, how horrible is war ! Do you know I have never 
had any thought of resigning until now ? But now, I am 
so shocked and disgusted with the horrors I daily witness, 
that I can scarcely refrain from resigning. Nothing but 
a sense of duty keeps me here. You don't know the one 
half at home. When we finally get to Richmond this 
Army will send home a tale of suffering and hardship and 
horror, such as will make your very flesh crawl. Field 
and staff officers can get along; but O how I pity the poor 
fellows on foot ! 

"The enemy are perhaps a mile and a half from us; 
Richmond perhaps six miles. We can hear the shouts of 
their troops, and the whistle of their locomotives. Our 
position is an exceedingly strong one, and we are daily 
receiving reinforcements. Fifteen thousand have already 
come, and more are arriving every train. My own belief 
is that Richmond will be regularly besieged, unless it is 
soon evacuated. Should not be surprised, if it is Corinth 
and Yorktown over again. There are alarms every night, 
and we have scarcely any rest. This is telling fearfully 
on the troops, both officers and men. 

"Cousin Will has been sick, but is about again. He 
was in the fight at Williamsburg ; but was sick in my tent 
at Bottom's Bridge, during the fight last Saturday and 
Sunday. He is with his company now, and in fair health 

259 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and spirits. His captain wa^^ounded badly, in the thigh, 
on Sunday. =5* * * 

"The weather has been frightful, and the whole coun- 
try is now a swamp. But we hope for the future. * * * 

*T am still, through God's blessing, 

''Yours affectionately, J. F. R." 



** Camp near Fair Oaks, Va. ) 
June 15, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : You are not entitled to a letter to-day, 
as I wrote Wednesday — I think it was — from the White 
House. Nevertheless, I write just a line, to say I am well, 
and all continues quiet here. We have picket-firing, of 
course, and occasionally one side or the other opens with 
shot and shell ; but mostly all is quiet, each army slowly 
collecting its energies for another terrific engagement. 

"The other day, while writing, a shell came screaming 
down the whole length of our camp, and struck about 
twenty yards back of our headquarters. You would be 
surprised how little alarm it provoked. Nobody 'ske- 
daddled.' Nobody seemel particularly to care. The 
cook, at his fire, went on as unconcernedly as if nothing 
had happened, though the shell fell within twenty feet of 
him. 

"We shall have a great fight here, but not immediately. 
It promises to be a siege. In such a case, we shall un- 
doubtedly whip them. There is no mistake about Mc- 
Clellan being a great digger! Though whether he is a 
great general, events not yet ripe will have to determine. 

"It has been fearfully hot here both yesterday and to- 
day; but now at 3 p. M. a furious thunderstorm is raging, 
from which we expect relief. The lightning is most vivid, 
and the thunder really appalling; while the wind is a per- 
fect hurricane.'* 

260 



Some Army Letters 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, 1 
Hooker's Division, i 

Camp near Fair Oaks, Va. 
June 21, 1862. 
"Dear Friends : Good news ! All hail, Abraham Lin- 
coln! Have just this moment received my commis- 
sion, as 'Captain and Assistant Quartermaster,' U. S. 
Vols., and hasten to inform you. Shall go over to 
army headquarters, and get mustered promptly as pos- 
sible. I regret exceedingly that father should worry 
about me. Am in the Lord's hands, as much here as 
anywhere, and am sure I could not be engaged in better 
work, at my time of life and in this present age, than in as- 
sisting to crush this infernal proslavery Rebellion. Party 
prejudice is apt to blind; partisan feeling is apt to falsify; 
but, I think, he is stupid and far bdiind his times, who 
does not now recognize that God is working in this war, 
and that his hand will surely bring us safely through. 
Just now, here in America, He is demonstrating to all the 
world, that freedom and justice are every man's birth- 
right — that injustice and oppression do not pay — or, in 
other words, in the simple but sublime phraseology of the 
Declaration of Independence, that 'all men are created 
equal, and endowed by their Creator with the inalienable 
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' It mat- 
ters not whether men be white or black or brown, so that 
they be men, and have souls to save. Now, I believe all this. 
I was taught to believe it. It is a part of my very life and 
blood and bones. And I ought to fight for it — to be ready 
to die for it. My ancestors did •} and their very ashes 
would rise up in judgment against us, if neither of us boys 
was willing to fight for the sacred principles they be- 
queathed to us. They would be ashamed of such degen- 
erate progeny ; and they ought to be. 

* T had two great-grandfathers in the Revolution — Captain William McCullough and 
Colonel Aaron Hankinson, both of New Jersey. 

261 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

'Though exposed to great hardships and many dangers, 
I nevertheless thank God dany that I am here ; and here I 
hope to stay, until the flag floats triumphant from the Ohio 
to the Gulf. I want you all at home to think of the con- 
sequent responsibility devolving upon you. Brace your- 
seh-es for every emergency; and remember that God will 
only require that of you which is right and best. I think 
God has given those who live at this period great oppor- 
tunities. There has been no such chance for pure pa- 
triotism, exalted heroism, and sublime self-sacrifice here in 
America for the last fifty years, if ever. 

"Now don't fret ! If I were to resign and come home, 
you would soon grow ashamed of me, and wish me back 
in the Army. I know you love me — I trust very dearly ; 
but you also love the Republic, and must be willing to haz- 
ard one in its defense. I trust, I hope, I sincerely desire, 
that God will have me in his keeping, and restore me 
safely to your fireside again. If not, and I am fated to fall 
here, weep only as for one who knew his duty, and was not 
afraid to do it. 

"As brigade quartermaster, I have nothing to do with 
'feeding the men/ That branch of the service belongs ex- 
clusively to the commissary. The regimental quarter- 
masters are also regimental commissaries ; but the double 
office stops there. Our brigade commissary is a captain, 
a cousin of Simon Cameron, and has been with us since 
last winter. My duties refer more particularly to all kinds 
of transportation, and include clothing, camp equipage, etc. 

"I would rather be regimental major, because the rank 
and pay are both better; but then, I myself have my doubts 
whether I should be able to stand the fatigue and exposure 
of that position. When a regiment goes out on picket for 
twenty-four hours, as ours does twice a week, and has to 
lay there in the trenches, rain or shine, cold or hot, it is apt 
to use up officers who are even far heartier than I, 

262 



Some Army Letters 

"It is very hot and oppressive here at times ; but the 
nights are cool, sometimes cold. 

"Things remain pretty much as they did. We are daily 
getting reinforcements, and our men are becoming more 
confident and cheerful. It is surprising how cool and in- 
different they become to danger. Yesterday, about 2 p. m., 
I was up to the advance lines, on some duty, and suddenly 
a Rebel battery opened with great precision. The shells 
whizzed and burst all over the camp ; but the only effect 
was to put the men to talking. I saw a party on their 
knees, playing cards ; and they never even stopped playing. 
Subsequently, I was at a court-martial^ as counsel for an 
officer ; the shells burst all about us, but the trial went on as 
if nothing was the matter. The Rebels must have thrown a 
hundred shells at our camp ; but not a single man was hurt. 
So singular is war !" 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, 
Hooker's Division, 
Camp at Harrison's Landing, Va. 
July 3, 1862. 

"Dear Friends : I believe it is Thursday night, and I 
should have written you on Sunday ; but things have been 
so mixed up and confused here, that I hardly know what 
day it is. We have had a very sad time here. As yet, I 
don't know whether it is defeat or 'strategy.' McClellan's 
friends, or rather his devotees, say the latter; but to me, 
with my *eyes open,' it seems like a great and terrible dis- 
aster. 

"It has been a week and a half of stirring events. I have 
neither the time nor the strength left to tell you all, but 
will recapitulate a little. It began on Tuesday morning of 
last week, by an advance along the whole left wing. Kear- 
ny and Hooker advanced over a half mile: when they met 
the enemy, and a sharp fight ensued. The enemy fell back. 
Our loss was not heavy, and when night closed, we held 

263 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the ground we had gained, ^he papers all err about it. 
The Tribune's account is the truest. 

"Wednesday there was some fighting on the center and 
right. The same on Thursday. Late that afternoon, I 
went to the White House for supplies. Found everybody 
alarmed there, by a report that the Rebels had turned our 
right wing. Was tired and worn out; but got a good 
night's sleep on a hospital boat there. Friday morning 
left White House for camp; found all quiet there, until 
afternoon, when the sound of furious fighting reached us 
from the right. At 4 p. m. we received orders to move to 
the right, to support the center of Sumner's corps. We 
moved immediately, marched till dark, then straggled on, 
nobody knew where; and about 10 p. m. brought up in a 
swamp two or three miles beyond where the brigade was 
ordered to go. Such a piece of stupidity in the face of the 
enemy, was never heard of. It was all the fault of a 
wooden-headed brigadier (not of our corps), under whom 
we were ordered to report to Sumner. At daylight we 
were ordered back to Hooker ; you may be sure everybody 
rejoiced to return to our old, well-tried, trusted com- 
mander. 

"Got back and pitched camp about noon. At 4 p. m. or- 
dered out on picket. No fighting all day, but the most 
profound silence all along the lines. No news of Friday's 
fight ; which we construed to mean had news. At dark on 
Saturday night, June 28, received an order from McClel- 
lan's headquarters, to pack the wagons with ammunition 
and rations, destroy all trunks, tents, and extra baggage, 
and move the trains as rapidly as possible across White 
Oak Swamp, in the direction of James River. 

"We took this to mean 'skedaddle,' though some still 
thought it 'strategy.' I resolved to save a few tents for 
headquarters, and our trunks and official papers, if pos- 
sible. The headquarters wagons were at once packed 

264 



Some Army Letters 

♦ 
lightly, and sent to Savage Station, two miles to the rear, 

to await the regimental trains and myself in person. Sup- 
posing I might lose everything, I deliberately put on 
my best uniform ; resolved that whether captured, killed, 
or escaping, I would at least be in 'harness !' The rest of 
us at brigade headquarters did the same ; and you would be 
surprised to know how cheerful we were, even under these 
gloomy circumstances. Then I rode to all the regiments, 
hurrying up their trains ; and at midnight reached Savage 
Station. 

"The most of the trains of the brigade had arrived, and 
were there crowded in a hundred-acre field with about 
three thousand other teams. It had set in to rain^ but I 
was so tired I threw myself on the ground, under- 
neath an army wagon, and for an hour or two slept sound- 
ly. I awoke about 2 a. m., and finding a little opening in 
the teams, I started the brigade train, and by hard pushing 
and maneuvering had made a half a mile by sunrise. 
Here the road was so narrow that but one wagon could 
pass at a time^ and all was a complete jam. Everybody 
had caught the idea that we were on a retreat ; every of- 
ficer was doing his best to force his own teams ahead ; and 
the consequence was that nobody moved at all. At last 
General Fitz John Porter rode up, and with the genius of a 
true general produced order out of chaos. So many trains, 
however, were ahead of us, that it was long after noon be- 
fore Hooker's got started at all. Then we moved slowly, 
crossed White Oak Swamp on two bridges our engineer 
corps had made, and parked for the night in a huge wheat 
field. 

''Meanwhile there had been fighting all day in our rear, 
and our division was the rear guard. The enemy, of 
course, became aware of our 'skedaddle,' but Hooker was 
there, and held them sternly at bay. At daylight Monday 
morning, the whole train, the whole army, all the artillery, 

265 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

had passed successfully ovei^^nd then the bridges were 
committed to the flames. Meanwhile, Hooker had 'ske- 
daddled' by another road, right from under the noses of 
the Rebels, and we were all safe on the way to James 
River. The rear guard formed along this side of the 
swamp, the infantry low down in the bushes, the artillery 
far up on the bluffs ; and so awaited the enemy. 

"Our train started at sunrise. By lo a. m. we had made 
perhaps a mile. The road was full of wagons, two abreast. 
Some were still back in the wheat field. At this hour, sud- 
denly, like concentrated thunder, ''Stonewall" Jackson 
opened upon us at the destroyed bridges, with twenty 
pieces of artillery; and the wagons 'skedaddled' in all di- 
rections. Some mules and horses were killed, many wag- 
ons were overturned, and the rest galloped away for their 
lives. Meanwhile, our rear guard opened, and soon suc- 
ceeded in silencing the enemy's cannon. This hurried up 
the main train. Our division quartermaster and myself 
discovered a new road, and into this we turned, and with a 
train over a mile long, we hurried along to our destination. 
The 'new' road ended in a swamp ! We fetched up in this 
about dark, about two miles from James River, and there 
we were compelled to halt till morning. About 1 1 p. m. I 
got a cup of coffee and a piece of 'hard-tack,' and with this 
luxurious supper, lay down to rest under a large tree, and 
slept drearily until daylight. Then we cut our way out of 
the swamp, and by 8 a. m. encamped here in a wheat field, 
within a stone's throw of the welcome waters of James 
River. 

"Not a wagon, nor a mule, nor a horse lost ! All safe ! 
At one time I fully expected to destroy everything. Had 
prepared axes to chop the wagons to pieces, and borrowed 
a box of matches, on purpose to burn them. I ordered 
my tent pitched at once, and spreading my blankets on the 
ground slept soundlv until late in the afternoon. Then I 

266 



Some Army Letters 

went down to the River, and went in to bathe. O, the 
luxury of that bath! Tired, weary, dusty, dirty, it 
seemed Uke the very waters of Paradise ! 

"Meanwhile, there had been heavy firing at Malvern 
Hill and along our rear; but the enemy had been repulsed 
at all points. The army, however, had steadily fallen 
back, and now — Thursday night — it is all at or near 
James River. What it all means I cannot exactly tell. 
It has been a retreat by the flank, which is the most diffi- 
cult of all movements, and so far has been successful. It 
has changed our base to James River, where it should 
have been in the first place. I think there is no doubt 
that it was a forced movement. McClellan's force was 
too small and scattered for his generalship. He couldn't 
protect his long line of communications. Ever since that 
raid at Tunstall's Station, he doubtless intended to shift 
his base here; but he was beaten so badly last Friday that 
he was compelled to hasten his operations. His right 
wing was whipped and turned, and he had to 'skedaddle.' 

"The army is greatly worn out, and yet 'gamey.' It 
has rained for twelve hours, and all is mud ankle-deep; 
and yet we plod about cheerfully. The transports are 
here, the gunboats are here, and we hope yet to 'get to 
Richmond' soon. I send you a rough sketch of our move- 
ments, that you may understand better. 

"Am 'played out' really, and coming home now, soon 
as matters straighten up a little. Quite sick yesterday, 
but improved to-day."^ 



** Washington, D. C. ) 

Aug. 2 1, 1862. Thursday afternoon. ) 

"Dear Father : After a warm and dusty ride that 
never seemed so long before, I arrived here yesterday 

' I was given a " leave " home soon afterward, and remained there about a month. 

267 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

about 6 P. M. Was astonisjpd at the amount of dirt that 
one can get upon himself in a few hours' ride. Eyes, 
nose, mouth, hair, ears — all stuffed with dust and cinders. 
Water never seemed so grateful ; nor a bed so welcome ! 

''This morning I started out on a 'voyage of discovery,' 
to see if I could find out where our brigade is. Went 
first to the War Department, and was there referred to 
General Halleck. At General Halleck's they informed 
me it was at Yorktown, Fortress Monroe, or somewhere 
down the Bay or River — it mattered not exactly where — 
and then gave me orders to remain in Washington until 
the twenty-sixth, when they would send me on my way. 
Rather indefinite this. I construe it to mean that the 
army is on its way, by water, as fast as possible, for 
Acquia Creek, or about there; and that they deem it best 
for me to wait here, until it has reached its next field of 
operations. Wish I were home until then. However, 
I am here at Brown's Hotel, and am doing my best to 'kill 
time.' Now that I am once more fit for duty, it seems a 
long time until the twenty-sixth; but I presume it will 
soon pass away. 

^'Yesterday there arrived here a large number of offi- 
cers, just released from Rebel prisons. Have talked with 
many of them; and they all tell the same story of 
suffering, starvation and wrong. Among others, I 
have met Captain Shellmire, First New Jersey Cavalry, 
of Buck's County, Pa., whom you will perhaps recollect. 
He was captured at the battle of Port Republic, in the 
Shenandoah Valley. He says they took him first to 
Richmond, and then to Salisbury, N. C. There they 
had no coffee, no sugar, no beans, no vegetables — 
nothing in the world but twelve ounces a day of sour 
bread, a little vinegar once in a while, some poor, 
tough, fresh beef once or twice a week, and for the rest 
of the time pork so alive with maggots that, when brought 

?68 



Some Army Letters 

on the table, they had to harpoon it with their forks or it 
would have run away. 

"He represents the condition of the imprisoned Union 
men, as still worse. He speaks of two old men whose 
only crime was their love for the Union, that dwindled 
away from their bad food, till they had to be carried to 
the hospital; and there the Rebels lay them without any 
bed or medicines, until they literally died from hunger 
and neglect. They wouldn't let our prisoners nurse them. 
One of the old men had a son in the Rebel garrison, and 
they even refused to let him nurse or see his dying father. 
This Captain Shellmire, by the way, is a quiet, sturdy, 
sensible man; not given to exaggeration; and, withal, is 
of the 'Democratic persuasion.' " 

" Alexandria, Va. ) 

Aug. 27, 1862, Wednesday evening. ) 

''Dear Friends : Yesterday morning, on reporting to 
General Halleck, I received orders to proceed here, and re- 
join the brigade wherever it might be. Reached here 
about I p. M.,and found that the brigade had left for War- 
renton Junction early in the morning ! One of my horses 
went with the brigade; the other was left with the head- 
quarters wagons, which left here to go by the turnpike, 
via Manassas, about 12 m. yesterday. It was 2 p. m. be- 
fore I got the information, and then it was impossible to 
join either. I concluded to take the train at 4 p. m. ; but 
afterward decided to wait until 1 1 this morning, as I would 
then reach the brigade before my horses, etc., arrived 
there. 

'Tt was a lucky conclusion! For that railroad train 
was stopped by the Rebels at Manassas, and all made pris- 
oners! The Rebel cavalry, reported at one thousand 
strong, with a battery of artillery, made an attack there 

last night, about eight o'clock, stopped two trains, and 

269 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

held the place as late as earl^his morning. This morn- 
ing all was consternation here. No trains were sent out, 
and all the troops about here received marching orders 
forthwith. I concluded to make an effort to overtake our 
headquarters wagons, which I judged could not have 
got beyond Fairfax Court House. With two other offi- 
cers belonging to our brigade, I chartered a carriage, and 
we drove almost to Fairfax Court House; when we met 
Banks's whole wagon train on the march for Alexandria ! 
They had been at Bull Run, when the attack was made at 
Manassas, and having no guard, their corps quartermas- 
ter had ordered them back as above. We halted by the 
roadside, and waited until he came up. He said he had 
met our wagons, near Fairfax, and had advised them to 
return; which they probably did. He supposed they 
were in the rear of his train, and would arrive near Alex- 
andria to-night. 

''We held a 'council of war;* and, as the road was hilly 
and full of wagons and 'contrabands,' we concluded to 
turn back and await events here. The road was literally 
thronged with slaves, of all ages and both sexes; resolved 
to follow the wagons, wheresoever they might go. Some 
had horses, though the most were on foot. I saw one 
woman, with a child at her back, and another in her arms, 
mounted on a dilapidated old horse, which she was guid- 
ing with a strip of old muslin, passed through his mouth. 
We heard heavy firing in the direction of Manassas, until 
noon; and as Banks's train was not pursued or molested, 
w^e judge our forces are again in possession of that point. 

"This is very perplexing. Hardly know what to do. 
If my horses w^ere only here, I should be all right; but as 
it is, I am like a wagon without wheels or a locomotive 
without steam. Have ridden twenty-five miles to-day, and 
am quite worn out. To-morrow — I don't know what I 
shall do, though I suppose I must try to find my horses. 

270 



Some Army Letters 

The town here is full of officers and soldiers. A great 
portion of the wagons and stores of the Army of the Po- 
tomac are still at Yorktown and Fortress Monroe, and 
many are here awaiting their arrival. Only our head- 
quarters teams have arrived. The regimental trains are 
yet all behind, somewhere down the Potomac. 

''Things are very unsettled. My own opinion is, that 
the whole army will fall back to the line of the Potomac. 
We have no generals with heads on their shoulders, and 
God alone can save the Republic. Therefore, let us do 
right and grant justice, that he may be inclined to uphold 
us by his everlasting arms." 



** Camp near Alexandria, Va. ) 
Aug. 31, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends: Wrote you a hasty line on Wednes- 
day evening, which I suppose has already reached you. 
Had then just returned from a ride toward Fairfax Court 
House, in search of our headquarters wagons. The next 
morning I started out again, and about nine o'clock was 
so fortunate as to light upon them at Cloud's Mills. 
They had reached Fairfax Court House on Tuesday 
night, and on Wednesday morning had proceeded on 
toward Bull Run; when they met the head of Banks's train 
on its march for Alexandria. My wagon-master had the 
good sense to stop and turn around ; and so, falling in be- 
hind said train, he drove back and arrived at Cloud's 
Mills on Wednesday night. 

"I was more fortunate than I thought I would be. 

*Fools for hick!' you know. Found both of my horses 

with the wagons, my saddle and equipments, and some 

other minor articles. The gray horse, 'Uncle Abe,' was 

pretty well used up. I fancy somebody has been riding 

him much of the time, but I shall soon bring him round. 
18 271 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

The pony 'Jersey,' was all x|ght. He is a hardy little 
fellow, and difficult to kill. In about five minutes, I had 
my saddle out and on the pony, and then as I sprang upon 
his back I felt that 'Richard was himself again.' Or- 
dered the teams harnessed at once, and then conducted 
the train down here; where we are within the chain of 
forts, and comparatively secure. 

''We are camped by a little brook, about half a mile 
from Alexandria, and within a quarter of a mile of 
where we were encamped when we were here last Octo- 
ber. The regimental trains are all down the Potomac 
somewhere, between here and Yorktown. Two of our 
quartermasters are still at Yorktown, and I have two with 
me here. Our division is somewhere up the country, it is 
hard to say where. It left here last Monday and Tues- 
day for Warrenton Junction. On Thursday it was fighting 
at Bristoe Station, not far beyond Manassas. On Friday 
it w^as fighting at Manassas, on its way here, and yesterday 
all day there was a furious battle raging off toward Fair- 
fax Court House or beyond, and I suppose Hooker was 
in it. If there is a battle anywhere, you may be sure 
'Fighting Joe' will be there. 

*'No trains are permitted to leave Alexandria yet, and 
I suppose will not be until the road is fairly clear of 
Secesh. Am anxiously waiting for news, and expect to 
leave here any hour, to rejoin the brigade. The whole 
country around here is full of troops and thick with 
wagons. The wagons are chiefly from the front ; but the 
troops come from Washington in an endless stream. So, 
also, from Yorktown and Fortress Monroe. Sumner ar- 
rived here on Thursday, landed on Friday, and at dark 
took up his line of march for Washington and Chain 
Bridge. To give you some idea of his forces, I will 
merely state, that the head of his column passed my camp 
at dark, and the last did not get by until after midnight. 

272 



Some Army Letters 

Infantry, cavalry, artillery — it really seemed as if they 
would never cease tramping along. 

"There has been furious and desperate fighting off 
toward Fairfax and Manassas; and all the definite news, 
so far, seems to be in our favor. I do not see how the 
Rebels can succeed, unless the Almighty so wills it, to 
punish us for not proclaiming 'Emancipation.' If we 
get whipped, that will be sure to come; but we may lose 
Alexandria, Washington, and the Potomac, as the in- 
evitable result of the thrashing. I hope better things. 
God is good, though compelled to be just; and, I sincerely 
pray, he will now 'in wrath remember mercy !' 

"It is now Sunday morning, and raining fast. Had 
hoped to get to church, but shall not leave my tent, unless 
it stops. Shall improve the occasion by writing to all 
the family." 

**Camp near Fort Lyon, Va. ) 
Sept. 8, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : I write this morning merely to say 
I am wxll, but very busy. Joined the brigade at Centre- 
ville, last Monday. Reported to Colonel Carr, who com- 
mands the brigade in absence of General Patterson; and 
went immediately on duty. That night we fell back on 
Fairfax Court House. Fought a battle at dark (Chan- 
tilly), in the midst of a furious storm of wind and rain; 
and poor Kearny fell. The thunder and lightning were 
so terrific, that we could scarcely hear the cannon at Fair- 
fax Court House, and didn't hear the musketry at all. 
Next day, I started the train for Alexandria ; arrived there 
toward night. The brigade got in Wednesday. Thurs- 
day we moved up here, on the extreme left, about half a 
mile from the Potomac, one mile in front of Fort Lyon, 
and three from Alexandria. 

"Found the brigade in wretched condition— tentless, 

273 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

ragged, and barefoot. Wi#fin forty-eight hours have 
issued no less than forty wagonloads of quartermasters' 
suppHes — tents, shoes, stockings, blankets, etc. How 
I have worked! Had to go to Washington for every- 
thing! Yesterday, Sunday, I worked the whole day 
through; because we are liable to move again any hour, 
and our poor fellows were really suffering for necessities." 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, 
Near Alexandria, Pa., 
Grover's (late Hooker's) Division. 
Sept. 14, 1862. 

"Dear Friends : * * * During the past week we have 
done nothing except move camp once, and that about half 
a mile. We move again to-morrow, about half a mile 
nearer to Alexandria. The troops are being drawn close- 
ly in around the works here on the left wang, and as many 
as possible are being sent off to the right and thence to 
Washington. The indications are that we shall lie here 
for some time, to recruit and refit. The division is sadly 
worn down and thinned out, and has received special per- 
mission to remain here for some time, unless extraordi- 
nary emergencies call for it elsewhere. We have won the 
reputation of being the 'fighting' division of the Army of 
the Potomac; but it has been at a fearful expense of 
health and life. Our splendid fighting qualities have 
made Hooker a major general, and a corps commander; 
and like a noble man, as he is, he has not forgotten us. 
He filed a special request with the War Department, that 
we might be let alone for a month, and Stanton has prom- 
ised it, if possible. 

"Meanwhile, Hooker has been transferred to McDow- 
ell's corps, and, at the head of it, is off somewhere up in 
Maryland, after the Rebels. When we get rested and re- 
cruited, we are to follow him; and still fight beneath his 

274 



Some Army Letters 

eye. For the present, the division is commanded by 
General Grover, the senior brigadier general, who is of 
the regular army, and a good officer; though not a man 
of such parts as Hooker. Our brigade is commanded 
temporarily by General Carr, formerly colonel of the 
Second New York — the senior regiment of the brigade — 
who has commanded it as senior colonel for the most of 
the time during the last three months. General Patter- 
son is still absent, and it is uncertain whether or not he 
will return. If he does not, I suppose General Carr will 
become our permanent brigadier. 

''Of course, we have no preaching in the brigade to- 
day ! Four out of our six chaplains are at home. Of the 

tivo here, one is sick, and the other. Father S , is 

so used up by the loss of his son, that he really isn't able 
to preach. Poor man ! he found his son stretched dead, 
upon the battlefield of Bull Run; a ball had passed 
through both legs, severing the main arteries, and he had 
died almost instantly. He was a brave fellow, and a good 
officer. He had risen from the ranks to be adjutant of 
his regiment, and his father was exceedingly proud of 
him. The old man buried him on the battlefield, and then 
followed the brigade back to Centreville, almost heart- 
broken. Since we have been here, he has made applica- 
tion for a 'leave,' but has not yet received it. He has 
proved himself to be a brave and faithful officer; if not 
attractive as a preacher." 

** Headquarters 3D Brigade, 
Grover's Division. 
Near Alexandria, Va., 
Sept. 22, 1862. 

"Dear Friends : * * * Have not been well for a week 
past. Am better to-day, and my whole heart goes out in 
ecstatic enjoyment of the glorious day, which the Almighty 

275 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

lias poured athwart these li^ and vales. We are en- 
camped in front of FortLyon,a half milenearer than when 
I last wrote you. Our left rests on the Potomac; our 
right rests on the hills, about half a mile west from the fort. 
Our camp ground is a high plateau, jutting down in bold 
bluffs toward the town and river; water is abundant and 
tolerably good. 

"Our headquarters are established in a fine large Secesh 
house. The first floor is occupied by General Carr, and 
the office of the adjutant general. The parlor is appro- 
priated to the latter, and to the telegraph office; and 
it also serves as a general lounging room for officers. 
Just over the parlor are tw^o fine rooms, nearly as large as 
your parlors, and connected by a door; the front one is 
mine, and the back one my office. On the opposite side 
of the hall are the rooms of the adjutant general, aids-de- 
camp, etc. 

''From my window is the most beautiful sight I have 
seen for a long day. The bluffs break abruptly down to 
the plain. Off in the plain lies Alexandria; just beyond 
flashes the Potomac; and beyond all, three miles or so 
away, rises the Maryland shore, swelling into slope, hill, 
and wooded mountain most beautiful to behold. Farther 
down lies Fort Washington. Farther up, seen distinctly 
at all times, but especially glorious in the gushing sun- 
light of the morning, lies Washington — the marble 
dome of its capitol 'a thing of beauty and a joy for- 
ever.' To the left, runs the line of forts — Ellsworth, 
Worth, Ward, Corcoran, etc. — which protect the city. 
W^as there ever anything more enchanting ? 

"We are doing little except loaf. We have a strong 
picket out in front; and have been throwing up some rifle- 
pits, that's all. We had an 'alarm,' Saturday night. The 
pickets fell back and reported 'Rebels;' but I guess it was 
only 'John Barleycorn !' At any rate, nothing came of it." 

276 



Some Army Letters 

** Headquarters Patterson's Brigade, ) 

Grover's Division. j- 

Sept. 28, 1862. ) 

*'Dear Friends : * * * I had the pleasure of attending 
divine worship once more this morning, down in Alexan- 
dria. The preacher fired away about Paul, and his not be- 
ing 'ashamed of the Gospel of Christ.' It was a prosy, old 
fogy, milk-and-water, shilly-shally, good-for-nothing 
affair; of which I am sure Paul w^ould have been most 
heartily ashamed. Poor Paul! He was a great orator 
in his day, a bold, brave man, who hit heavily every abuse 
he came across; and it must wound his great heart sadly, 
to see how miserably some of his successors imitate him. 
I sat the service out, and enjoyed the singing and the 
prayer anyway; partly because I knew you were worship- 
ing at the selfsame hour, and partly because I believed 
God was there. 

"We have dull times here. General Hooker leaving 
us, our senior brigadier, General Grover, came into com- 
mand of the division. Last week, General Sickles re- 
turned; and, by virtue of his seniority, assumed com- 
mand. * * * Our brigade is now commanded by Colonel 
Johnson, of the Eighth New Jersey, who was so severely 
wounded at Williamsburg, reported mortally. He is 
still disabled for active duty; but is able to command 
while we lie here. General Patterson is here, hobbling 
about on crutches. His foot, sprained by the fall of his 
horse at Harrison's Landing, is still very lame; and he is 
unable to do anything. He looks badly; and, it is be- 
lieved, will never resume command of the brigade. In 
that case, I presume, we shall have General Mott to com- 
mand us. I am content." 

277 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

** Headquarters i^tterson's Brigade, ) 

Near Alexandria, Va. v 

Oct. 5, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : * * * I was in Washington yesterday; 
started for camp at dark, but was overtaken by a gust of 
wind and rain, and remained all night. Left there this 
morning at sunrise, and galloped here, a distance of 
twelve or fourteen miles; and, arriving, found the brigade 
under arms and on the point of moving. Got a cold 
breakfast, with a cup of hot coffee, and then moved with 
brigade from near Fort Lyon, to this place, about two 
miles to the West, near Fort Worth. Again we are in 
tents, and it seems quite cozy; though not quite so warm 
these cold nights, as our good Secesh house. Headquar- 
ters are pitched near a large fine dwelling; but as it oc- 
cupied, we do not feel justified in intruding. I do not 
know how long we shall stay here. We thought our- 
selves 'fixed' where we were; but it seemed we were not. 
However, we are still in the same chain of defenses, 
though farther to the West; and, I think, the probabilities 
are against our further removal. 

"It has been a sad Sabbath. No dinner till 3 p. m. All 
the day consumed in removing and pitching camp. Even 
now, at dark, the din and noise of pitching tents and of 
lumbering wagons still continue. It has a bad effect 
upon the men. I don't know anything in all our experi- 
ence so hardening as this work on Sunday. Yet many of 
our movements are ordered on Sunday (unnecessarily 
apparently) ; and it really seems as if all our heavy 
marching and fighting come on that day. Our 'general 
orders' to the contrary, notwithstanding ! 

"The President's Troclamation of Emancipation' gives 
me some comfort ; only he should have issued it a year ago. 
I trust, most sincerely, it is not yet too late. I have no con- 

278 



Some Army Letters 

fidence whatever in McClellan's reputed victories.^ His 
own official report of them condemns his Northern glorifi- 
cation. His battles are all drawn battles; or if he wins 
one, he fails to follow it up, and so loses its substantial 
fruits. We shall make no headw^ay until he resigns or is 
removed. I place great faith in Hooker, and am inclined 
to believe that we have at last touched bottom. 

*The 'Proclamation of Freedom' at last places things on 
their true and logical basis; and if the Government now 
only keeps its face Zionward, I believe all will yet be well. 
But if it twists and shuffles and equivocates and apologizes 
and dodges — now tJiiSy now that — as it has done so sadly 
hitherto, I shall give up all hope of the nation, and try to 
resign myself to the disgrace and humiliation of a divided 
land and a ruined people. It will only be God's just judg- 
ment upon a disobedient and stiff-necked generation, that 
deserved no better. But I have better hopes. Am in- 
clined to believe that the uncertain attitude of the Presi- 
dent hitherto has been because of a conscience ill at ease ; 
and that, having at last 'dared to do right,' he will now 
walk steadfastly forward. A good man acting against his 
conscience, is always undecided; acting zvith his con- 
science, he may go on his way unmoved, and *the gates of 
hell shall not prevail against him !' " 

** Headquarters Patterson's Brigade, ' 

Sickles' Division, 

Near Alexandria, Va. 

Oct. 12, 1862. 

"Dear Friends : Your package of official papers has ar- 
rived safely. * * * I cannot say the same, however, of your 
Advocates. Have received but one, since I left home, vis., 
that of September 25, and that came about a week ago. I 
laid it aside to read to-day, and, I must say, have enjoyed it 

• South Mounlain. Antietam, etc. 
279 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

greatly. It is a most excelled number, full of thoughtful 
and well-written articles, and have read it through as a 
great treat. I started for church this morning; but at di- 
vision headquarters met with orders that compelled me to 
return; so that about my only Sabbath has been the Advo- 
cate and my pocket Testament (Oliver Cromwell's). 

'Tt is a cold, raw, rainy, disagreeable day. The rain 
began yesterday; and with slight intermission has con- 
tinued ever since. It is a regular fall storm ; and here in 
tents is anything but pleasant. Have had a log fire built 
in front of my quarters ; and so long as my face is turned to 
it, do pretty well. But, to tell the truth, I rather envy you 
your cozy living room, with its warm carpet and cheerful 
grate. However, this is a part of 'soldiering,' and am con- 
tent. Fortunately, am feeling very well, and so get on. 

''Have not much news to tell you. We are still where 
we were last Sunday, and with no immediate prospect of 
moving; though under 'marching orders' for the last three 
days. The fact is, we don't care much about marching or- 
ders any more. We have marched and fought so much, 
that it is about all one with us, whether we move, fight, or 
stay. 

"I wish you to remember, that all my accounts with the 
United States were settled at the Treasury Department, 
down to the first of April, 1862, a week or so ago. Their 
accounts and mine exactly agreed/' * * * 

** Camp near Alexandria, Va. ) 
Oct. 16, 1862. ) 

"Dear Father : Another change to me, a promotion; 
and yet I hardly know whether to be glad or sorry. Yes- 
terday afternoon was relieved of brigade duties, and or- 
dered to report to General Sickles, as division quarter- 
master. * * * My rank and pay continue the same, but the 
duties are lighter, and the position one notch higher. 

280 



Some Army Letters 

"To-day I moved over to division headquarters, bag and 
baggage, and now write you from there. We are pleas- 
antly situated on the lawn of a fine Secesh residence near 
Alexandria, in the shelter of a nice grove of trees. Have 
just returned from tea. The other officers of the staff are 
mostly strangers; but they have received me cordially. 
General Sickles himself is a fine talker, and a man of very 
considerable ability. It is a promotion from my old posi- 
tion, as brigade quartermaster, to a new one, as division 
quartermaster. It will probably result in my receiving 
the rank of Major, that is, provided General Sickles is 
made Major General, as he probably will be. So I will be 
'Major/ after all!" 

"Headquarters Sickles* Division. ) 
Oct. 20, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : I write you again to-night, not because 
I feel like it ; but because it is Sunday night, and I know 
you will expect a letter. 

"Had a letter from Henry to-day, dated October 17. 
Wrote you on the same day, I believe, announcing my pro- 
motion to division quartermaster. Have found the posi- 
tion pleasant, and the associations more agreeable than I 
anticipated. General Sickles is certainly a man of very 
great ability, intellectually and socially, and a better sol- 
dier than I have thought. * * * 

"Am well, but tired ; and so, good night !" 

** Headquarters Sickles* Division. ) 
Oct. 27, 1862. I 

"Dear Friends : * * * We have had a furious storm 
here for the last twenty-four hours, that has prostrated 
tents and played havoc generally. It has rained and blown 
'great guns ;' and, though the rain has ceased, the wind still 
continues. Fortunately, last week I secured a small stove, 

281 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and its genial heat for the last twenty-four hours has am- 
ply compensated me for my outlay already. It is no bigger 
than 'a piece of chalk;' but it heats my tent very nicely." 



** Headquarters Sickles' Division, ) 

Manassas Junction, Va. i 

Nov. 9, 1862. ) 

*'Dear Friends: Have only time to-night to address 
you the briefest line. It has been a cold, dismal, dreary 
Sabbath ; every hour of which I have spent in endeavoring 
to organize and systematize the public business at this 
post. The quartermaster's department here at Manassas 
had come to a deadlock. The track was blocked with 
trains, and all was infinite confusion. Late last night an 
order came from corps headquarters, for me to take imme- 
diate charge, and clear the track at all hazards. I went to 
work early this morning, with a force of one hundred men, 
and all day long, till dark, have been frightfully busy. 
And there seems no end to it. Trains have to be unloaded, 
the track cleared, buildings erected, stores issued ; and all 
is infinite confusion. 

*'At the same time am worrying along with the neces- 
sary duties of division headquarters, and hardly know 
where or how to turn myself. So much care and responsi- 
bility is suddenly thrust upon my shoulders, that I should 
quite despair, did I not know that all days have their end 
and all work is at last over." 



** Headquarters Sickles' Division, ) 

Manassas Junction, Va. > 

Nov. 18, 1862. ) 

"Dear Father : Was not able to write on Sunday, and 
so write to-night, Tuesday. Wrote you on the previous 
Sabbath. As then, so ever since have been overwhelmed 

383 



Some Army Letters 

with business. Was never so occupied and oppressed in 
my life, as I have been since we arrived here, and hope I 
never shall be again. Thank heaven, it is nearly over. To- 
morrow we expect to leave here, for Fredericksburg, on 
our way to Richmond ; and that will end my troubles, as 
depot quartermaster. 

''Have not been out of sight of headquarters, since we 
have been here. Had thought to get enough time to ride 
down to the Bull Run battlefield, some six miles from here ; 
but have failed, and so shall leave without seeing it. So 
I had thought to visit Dr. Osmun and the Hornbakers, and 
some other Jerseymen up at Brentsville ; but my time has 
all been occupied, and it has been impossible. One of the 
Hornbakers, originally from near Brass Castle, Warren 
County, N. J., was here the other day, brought in by our 
pickets, as Secesh. We had him in the guardhouse one 
night, and the next morning, learning he was a Jerseyman, 
I went to see him, and had him released. He said he 
knew you ; that you had called to see him, when you were 
out here before the war ; and pressed me warmly to come 
and see him. I promised, but have been unable to fulfill it. 
We march by Brentsville, and I shall try to see some of the 
Jerseymen about there, as we move along. 

*'The army is making a great movement here, which I 
trust may be successful. Instead of going on to Gordons- 
ville, after the retreating Rebels, it has swung boldly off to 
the left, and is marching rapidly on Fredericksburg. We 
do not know the program certainly; but we surmise, that 
it is intended to move rapidly on Richmond, by way of 
Fredericksburg, which is shorter than Gordonsville. If 
Burnside has a mite of genius, I believe we shall reach 
there.^ Hooker commands the grand central division; 
and his old division is ordered to report to him for service 
and orders. This pleases everybody; but means 'fights and 

* He had succeeded McClellan shortly before. 
28^ 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

I think this division has alre^^ had enough of that com- 
modity. 

''My accounts for October were all made up and dis- 
patched to Washington yesterday. 

*'VVe have recovered Joe Abbott's body, and send it 
home to-day.^ How glad his friends will be! Cousin 
Will Rusling at last is second lieutenant, and George 
Sandt, quartermaster. Justice, though sometimes slow, is 

always sure ! Chaplain S has also recovered his son's 

body and sent it home."^ 

Washington, D. C. ) 
Nov. 25, 1862. ) 

"Dear Friends : Wrote you last from Manassas, just 
as we were about leaving it. At the last moment General 
Sickles changed his plan; and instead of marching by 
Brentsville, and so to Dumfries and Fredericksburg, 
marched us back to Bull Run^ and thence to Centreville 
and Fairfax. We left Manassas early last Thursday morn- 
ing. It had rained severely for the previous twenty-four 
hours, and the general feared the streams by way of 
Brentsville were so swollen that it would be dangerous to 
ford them. So I lost my last opportunity of seeing our 
Jersey friends there. 

*Tt was a long time Thursday morning before we got 
finally started. Our train was about three miles long, and 
it seemed as if it never would get by. At last, however, 
we were fairly off; and then the rain recommenced. O, 
how it did pour ! It seemed for an hour or two, as if the 
^windows of heaven' really were open, and the 'floods' de- 
scending. Yet through it all we trudged along; and, by 
dint of hard marching (and much swearing), reached 
Fairfax Court House — some fifteen or sixteen miles — ^by 

> Captain E, 7th N. J„ of Trenton, N. J., killed at second Bull Run. 
• See p. 275. 

284 



Some Army Letters 

dark. The rain still continued ; but we bivouacked by the 
roadside and made the best of it. The general and his staff 
were invited to supper by General Sigel, who had his head- 
quarters at Fairfax Court House ; for which we were duly 
grateful. Sigel is a little Dutchman. But he is all life, 
fire, and enthusiasm. He is one of our best German gen- 
erals, and God bless him for the good hot supper he gave 
us, after that wet day's march ! 

"We all tumbled down for the night, on the floor, in one 
large room; and had such sleep as only tired soldiers en- 
joy. 

''Next morning we moved again at seven o'clock. Long 
before breakfast I was in the saddle, and galloped miles up 
and down the road, to get the column in motion. When 
all were off, I returned to Fairfax and had a hasty break- 
fast, as I could snatch it. It proved to be a wretched day. 
The storm, instead of abating, had greatly increased ; and 
to the rain of the day before was now added a sweeping 
wind that chilled you through. How the poor fellows on 
foot stood it, I do not know. Even on a horse, I was cold 
and wet and hungry, and as nearly 'disgusted' with cam- 
paigning as it is right to be. Never, in all my army ex- 
perience, have I known two such frightful days as those. 
There was nothing in the Peninsula to equal them. Never 
want to see two such days again. 

''The second day's march took us due south from Fair- 
fax Court House, to the Station, and thence to the Occo- 
quan — a distance of about ten miles. We made it easily 
by the middle of the afternoon; though the roads were 
horrible. 

"Then came a tragic night, as the fit close of two such 
awful days. General Patterson (my old brigade com- 
mander) had been ill and acting strangely all the evening, 
and along about 2 a. m. suddenly his pistol went off, acci- 
dentally or otherwise, and poor Patterson was no more. 

285 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Another gallant spirit snuf^^ out! Good soldier, brave 
heart, generous soul, hail and farewell !=>=** It was a trag- 
ic affair. It cast a deep gloom over the whole division, 
and everybody felt it like a personal sorrow. He was a 
very capable officer, and will be missed sadly. He was a 
special friend of General McClellan, and greatly regretted 
McClellan's removal. 

*'I left the division yesterday afternoon, and drove into 
Alexandria, and here for supplies. Have a large amount 
of business to look after. The division moves to-morrow 
for Falmouth, and shall probably rejoin it by way of Ac- 
quia Creek." * * * 



'* Headquarters Sickles* Division 

Camp near Falmouth, Va. 

Dec. 4, 1862. 



] 



"Dear Friends : It is Thursday night. Am breaking 
my rule of writing you every Sunday, but doing the best 
I can. 

"Arrived here yesterday, having left Alexandria yester- 
day morning. Came down to Acquia Creek on the boat, 
and thence rode twelve miles. We are encamped about 
two miles from Falmouth, which is a rickety, tumble-down 
Virginia village, and directly across the river lies Freder- 
icksburg. Our forces line this side of the river ; and the 
Rebels, the other. Both are strongly posted, and each 
seems waiting for the other to demonstrate. The country 
on this side is literally packed with troops. How many are 
on the other, I do not know. Everything is quiet; and 
God only knows what is going to be done. I don't think 
we will attempt a crossing here. There is talk of our cross- 
ing below here; but shall not be surprised if we embark 
and go elsewhere. Am quite disheartened with the ap- 
pearance of things; and wholly disgusted with the stu- 
pidity and imbecility I see all around me. * * * 

286 



Some Army Letters 

"I ought not to write thus, I suppose. But my heart is 
sick and brain weary with incessant work, that amounts to 
nothing in the end. 

"This has been a busy day here. The division was re- 
viewed by General Hooker, and the display was fine. 
Hooker looked well ; and will fight, if they give him a 
chance. I suppose we shall have one more blunder, and 
then at last they will put 'Old Joe' in the right place." 

'' Headquarters Sickles' Division,^ 

Camp near Falmouth, Va. V 

Dec. 7, 1862. J 

"Dear Friends: It is Sunday afternoon, about sun- 
down, and as I have a moment's leisure, I embrace it to 
write you. It has been a dismal Sabbath here. Forty- 
eight hours ago, we had a snowstorm that gave us three 
inches or more of that chilly material. Yesterday the sun 
was out, and we had a thaw ; but last night it shut down 
clear and cold, and to-day again it is severe. The troops 
must suffer very much. They are all in small, thin 'shelter 
tents,' and many are quite destitute of shoes and clothing. 
Our own division is suffering in this last respect. The 
clothing, etc., which I ordered in Washington, has scarcely 
any of it arrived yet ; and our troops need it badly. Have 
two officers and a squad of men, at Acquia Creek, to for- 
ward it by railroad, as soon as it arrives there from Wash- 
ington ; but it has been already delayed so long that we are 
very impatient. 

"To-day I rode up to General Hooker's headquarters. 
He was very well, and glad to see me. Spent an hour there 
very agreeably, and then rode home in time for a late din- 
ner. Dinner consisted of tough beefsteak, fried potatoes, 
hard-tack, and a cup of coffee. However, this is small 
compared with our other privations. It is very cold, and 
we have a hard time to keep warm. Think I have suffered 
19 287 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

more from the cold, in the la^wenty-four hours, than any 
time last winter. Yet I cannot complain. I have a little 
stove in my tent, and am warm and comfortable, compared 
with what others endure. When you sit around your cozy 
fire, think of the gallant men, shivering here in flimsy 
tents ; and remember to love well a country for which they 
are willing to endure so much. 

''Of course, the rumor of my resignation in August last, 
is fabrication. Instead thereof, have constantly been on 
duty here with the division ; and since then have been pro- 
moted from brigade to division quartermaster. It is not 
impossible, however, that I may soon resign. Am not en- 
tirely pleased with matters here, and am compelled to do 
more than my strength is equal to. But 'sufficient unto the 
day is the evil thereof.' * * * 

''There is nothing whatever doing here. Was over to 
Falmouth on Friday, and had a sight of the Rebel pickets 
and earthworks. The river is about as wide as the Dela- 
ware, at Belvidere or thereabouts, and quite shallow. I 
suppose I could ford it with my horse almost anywhere. 
Fredericksburg, just on the other side, is a dilapidated old 
town, of some one thousand two hundred or two thousand 
population. I could see the Rebel pickets. Indeed, they 
v.'ere only a stone's throw across the Rappahannock. 
Three of them were grouped together, at the crossing, 
under some logs and boards, and looked desolate enough. 
Farther up and down the river were others, completing 
their chain of pickets ; and just opposite, on this side, were 
ours. They talked across to each other, in a friendly way, 
and 'camp stories' allege that they exchange tobacco and 
coffee. We are told, that we will soon cross, either above 
or below the town, and make straight for Richmond. I 
doubt it. My own opinion is that we will soon go into 
winter quarters. 

"And so passes another week. It may be, that ere an- 

288 



} 



Some Army Letters 

other Sabbath we shall be off. In case we move, we may 
have a great battle near here; though I think the Rebels 
will rather fall back and meet us at the gates of Rich- 
mond." 

** Headquarters Sickles' Division, 

Camp near Falmouth, Va. 

Dec. 14, 1862. 

"Dear Friends: It is Sunday; and I write you, as I 
have an hour or two to spare, while awaiting orders. It 
has been a great week here. On Tuesday went to Alex- 
andria and Washington, in search of supplies that had 
been ordered, but which had never reached us. Returned 
on Thursday morning, to find our people shelling Fred- 
ericksburg. It appears that on Tuesday night the whole 
army received orders to be ready for a movement at day- 
light on Wednesday. Camps were broken up, and the 
troops were massed at two points, in ravines and woods, 
near Falmouth and three miles or so lower down. 

"At 5 A. M., Thursday, the engineers advanced to the 
river at Fredericksburg, and began to throw a pontoon 
bridge across. The Rebel pickets cracked away, and then 
retreated. The bridge w^as three fourths completed, 
when the Rebel sharpshooters opened from windows and 
behind the houses of Fredericksburg. The pontooniers 
fell by scores; but still the bridge went on, until at last 
were only a stone's throw across the Rappahannock, 
a single piece of Rebel artillery opened, and the bridge 
was shot to fragments. This exasperated Sumner, and 
he ordered Fredericksburg to be shelled. Our batteries 
immediately advanced, and for several hours they rained 
a perfect storm of shot and shell upon the devoted town. 
One of the batteries attached to our division fired fifteen 
hundred rounds before the day was over. Soon the town 
was on fire in several places, and houses were tumbling 

in all directions. 

28Q 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Late in the afternoon, it^ccurred to somebody to send 
a regiment or two across in boats below the town, to flank 
the Rebel sharpshooters, and take them in the rear. The 
movement was soon executed, and ended in the capture 
of the entire force posted there. Night closed upon a 
hard day's skirmish, and the result was our possession of 
the town, and two bridges in position for crossing. All 
that night the troops poured across the river, and were 
massed in and around Fredericksburg. Meanwhile, 
farther down, some three miles, Franklin had succeeded 
in throwing three bridges over, and had crossed the most 
of his grand division with little opposition.^ 

'Mt is now ten o'clock, Sunday morning. So far the 
morning has been spent with shelling the woods. The 
Rebels have scarcely replied. I do not know exactly what 
we have accomplished ; but it is reported Sumner on our 
right has turned the Rebel left, and thus opened commu- 
nications with Sigel and Slocum, who are marching 
down from Winchester and Manassas. It has been a 
furious and desperate fight thus far. The spectacle yes- 
terday was sublime and imposing, exceeding all that I 
ever read or thought of warfare; and will hereafter be 
painted in brilliant colors by the pen of the historian." 



** Headquarters Sickles* Division, 
Camp near Falmouth, Va. 
Dec. 2 1, 1862. 



} 



"Dear Friends: I wrote you last from down at 
Franklin's Bridge, near the river, last Sunday. I then 
thought that we would win a victory, however dearly 
fought; but it seems that fate, or something else, was 
against us, and we had, instead, a repulse. We were not 
defeated. We were not driven back. We only failed to 
carry their impregnable works; and failing in that, un- 

• For rest of this letter substantially, see chap, iv, pp. 47, 48. 
290 



Some Army Letters 

molested, we fell back to the Rappahannock, and re- 
crossed in safety. 

'*Of course, we feel bad about it. Our loss was very 
heavy, and the army is quite disheartened. Our suffer- 
ings have been intense. The weather is very cold and 
winterish. The ground is hard frozen up; and our poor 
fellows have nothing but flimsy 'shelter tents,' under 
which to lie and shiver. Talk about Valley Forge, and 
the huts Washington and his army had there! Why, 
they were infinitely better off than we are. They were 
but a small army, in the midst of a rich, fertile country, 
and could easily subsist. Their huts were warm and 
comfortable. Wood was near and abundant. But we 
are a vast army, of prodigious numbers, in the midst of a 
hostile people, and in a country laid waste and barren by 
the marches and countermarches of contending armies. 
We can buy nothing here. Everything literally has to 
be brought to us from abroad. The wood all about us is 
being rapidly consumed, and in another month we shall 
freeze as well as starve. If this intensely cold weather 
continues, the Potomac will be frozen up and we shall 
suffer extremely. 

''Am not disheartened, but I face things as they are. 
This army has no general ; or he would put it at once into 
winter quarters, and leave it there till spring. For my 
own part, am comfortable enough. But pity the com- 
mon soldier. You people at home don't begin to know 
what he has to suffer and endure. And the line officers 
also. * * * 

''Wishing you all a Merry Christmas and a Happy 
New Year, I remain, Yours affectionately." 

291 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

'' Headquart^IRS Sickles' Division, 
Camp near Falmouth, Va. 
Dec. 28, 1862. 



} 



"Dear Friends: I expected to spend this Sabbath 
in Washington, but it is ordered otherwise. My in- 
tention was to get off yesterday and to return on Tues- 
day; but my appHcation for leave of absence has been 
delayed, at some of the superior headquarters, and I am 
still here. I suppose your Christmas box is there. If 
so, I presume it will keep. I shall probably get it, either 
by going or sending for it, some time the present week. 

"Everything is very dull and very quiet here. There is 
no doubt, I think, that we shall remain here, until spring. 
We may move a little up or down or back from the river, 
in order to take up more eligible quarters; but we shall 
do nothing in the military line, until spring again opens. 

"I am very well, and the weather to-day delicious. 
Seldom have I seen such a lovely day in December. For 
several days past, the sky has been overcast and gloomy; 
but to-day the clouds have disappeared, and the sky smiles 
like a happy child. 

"General Sickles and part of his staff went up to Wash- 
ington yesterday. We expect them back to-day or to- 
morrow. I suspect he is working for his Major General- 
ship, and doubtless he will get it. He is one of those in- 
dustrious, indefatigable, unconquerable men, that never 
leave a stone unturned when their mind is once 'set;' and 
such men usually accomplish whatever they undertake. 

"I suppose you all read everything about the fight here. 
If so, do not omit the published testimony taken by the 
Committee of Congress. Read Hooker's especially. It 
shows that he had the clearest head of any of them. If 
Burnside had let him cross at Hartwood, when he was 
marching down from Warrenton (as he requested per- 
mission to do), we would now be pounding at the gates 

292 



Some Army Letters 

of Richmond, instead of huddling here. Mark my words : 
Hooker will yet have command. And we will yet see the 
end of this business. I believe in God; I believe in right 
and truth and justice, as His greatest attributes; and 
therefore, I believe, that however dark the present, our 
flag will yet float triumphant over every foot of American 
soil." 

** Headquarters Sickles' Division,^ 

Camp near Falmouth, Va. V 

Jan. II, 1863. J 

"Dear Father • * * * Another week has passed away. 
We moved camp on Thursday, about a mile farther to 
the southeast. The division is nicely quartered in the 
woods, about aquarter of a mile to the rear of us ; already, 
the men have built huts and shanties, and look quite com- 
fortable. Headquarters is pitched on the lawn in front 
of a fine old mansion, called the Fitzhugh House. This 
house is the old family mansion of an exceedingly large 
estate here, and is probably a hundred years old. The 
family fled last summer, and the negroes long since 'ske- 
daddled!' The general occupies a part of the house; but 
the rest of us are in tents, and are as comfortable as we 
could expect to be under canvas, in the middle of January. 
I have a board floor, a piece of carpet, a small cast-iron 
stove; and am much more luxurious in my surroundings 
than most others. 

'Tf I could only drop down among you for an hour, I 
think I would be satisfied. However, this war will be 
over some time, and then I shall appreciate the privileges 
of civilized life all the more." 

293 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

•'Headquarters Sickles' Division, ) 

Camp near Falmouth, Va. > 

Jan. i8, 1863. ) 

**Dear Friends : Am very busy and have only time to 
write a hasty line. On Thursday, we received orders to be 
ready to move on Friday; on Friday we received other 
orders to be ready to go, sure, on Sunday, at i p. m. But 
this morning, we had others again, postponing the move- 
ment until to-morrow at the same hour. It is either a 
sham or else a strange lack of brains; I scarcely know 
which. If it was really intended to make another dem- 
onstration, we should either have gone at once or else 
have no orders sent us until they were ready to go. Nev- 
ertheless, we have to make the same preparation as if we 
were really off. Have had everything ready in my de- 
partment, since Friday noon; and now, like Micawber, 
am calmly waiting for 'something to turn up.' 

"It is said, that we are to go up the river ten miles or 
so, and there cross. Well, this is more sensible, than 
butting one's head against the Heights of Fredericks- 
burg; and I hope it may prove successful. But I am 
fully persuaded, that a winter campaign here will be 
fruitless of results, and will be attended by a frightful 
amount of disease and suffering."^ 

** Office Assistant Quartermaster, ) 

Headquarters Sickles' Division, V 

Feb. II, 1863. ) 

"Dear Friends : It is Wednesday, instead of Sunday, 
but I write you now, instead of then, because on that day 
I lacked the leisure. 

"Arrived safe in Washington. * * * Saturday and 
Sunday I spent in the vain attempt to get a boat large 

* Bumside's "Mud March" about this time. The above preliminary to it, I think. 
See p. 50. 

294 



Some Army Letters 

enough for my spring wagon, ambulances, and horses; 
but on Monday I got off about lo A. m. We went along 
pretty well, until just below Mount Vernon, when the 
machinery broke. We patched it up with a wooden peg ; 
and so slowly steamed down to Acquia Creek. Got there 
at dark. Lay aboard the boat all night ; early yesterday 
morning got ashore, and started for camp, about twelve 
miles off. We had met with so many delays and mishaps 
already, that I told my men we would probably be upset 
or mire down, or suffer some other such calamity. 

"Sure enough, we had not got two miles from Acquia, 
when snap went the tongue of my spring wagon; and I 
was compelled to leave it by the roadside. The roads 
proved to be awful. Two miles farther on, one of the 
ambulance horses mired down to his belly, and we found 
it impossible to get him out. Presently a six-mule team 
came along. I seized upon the four lead mules, and put- 
ting them to the end of the tongue dragged out the am- 
bulance, horses and all. We started again, and pro- 
ceeded perhaps four miles farther, I walking most of the 
time ; when we came to a clay hill, where both ambulances 
came hopelessly to a halt. 

"Thereupon I bade them an affectionate farewell, and 
footed it through the mud up to camp! From there, I 
sent back fresh four-horse teams to each vehicle, and 
these succeeded in bringing them up to camp by dark. I 
thanked the Lord heartily when I regained my tent, and 
as for 'Bob'^ — well, he had a sweet time in cleaning a 
cartload of mud ('sacred soil'), more or less, from my 
boots and clothing ! 

"A soldier's life is always gay, 
So why be melancholy, boys, 
So why be melancholy ? " 

"Have found things here in rather a chaotic state. 

* My colored servant. 
295 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

General Sickles and four oWRis staff are in New York, 
and a General Berry, of Birney's division, is in command. 
General Birney is at corps headquarters, acting for Sick- 
les in his absence. I suppose General Sickles will be here 
in a day or two; and then, I suppose, things will be 
straightened out. 

''Am well and in good spirits. The roads are in a 
fearful condition, and it is still raining; the 'bottom' 
disappeared long ago, and I expect we shall have to 
'bridge' and 'corduroy' everywhere. 

"General Hooker is in command at last, and giving 
great satisfaction ; and I predict success for him as army 
commander." 

*' Headquarters 2d Division, 3D Corps. ) 
Feb. 16, 1863. I 

"Dear Friends : Wrote you Wednesday night. Gen- 
eral Sickles has returned ; but things are still in chaos 
here, and probably will remain so, for a week or two. 
But they will come out all right. My two rows of but- 
tons and 'silver leaf shoulder straps will surely come; 
and then I will be satisfied for this war. 

"General Berry, who commands the division now, is 
a very pleasant gentleman.^ I have Cousin Wlil here at 
headquarters, as division ambulance officer, which makes 
him feel good : as well as being a just promotion. 

"Have been very busy. The w^eather is bad, and the 
roads still execrable. Saw General Hooker this morn- 
ing." 

* ' Office Assistant Quartermaster, 1 

Headquarters 2D Division, 3D Corps. > 

Feb. 22, 1863. J 

"Dear Father: It has been a hard week here. The 
first part of the week, it snowed, and then rained contin- 

1 General Sickles had been made corps commander. 
296 



Some Army Letters 

uously for three days. Friday it cleared off, and was a 
lovely day. Yesterday morning was as balmy as May; 
in the afternoon it clouded over, and grew cold ; and last 
night it snowed furiously. This morning there was a 
foot of snow everywhere. It has snowed ever since ; and 
as I write, 2 p. m., the storm still continues. Woke up 
this morning, with my blanket covered with snow that 
had drifted in under my tent, and altogether felt rather 
blue. Concluded, however, I might as well be jolly as 
anything else; and so am getting on somehow. 

"It is a gay 'Washington's Birthday' here. We 
would have had a great time, had it not stormed so sav- 
agely. His 'Farewell Address' was to have been read, 
at the heads of regiments, and salutes fired at noon. The 
salutes were duly fired ; the hoarse voice of the cannon 
roaring in all directions. But the reading of the 'Ad- 
dress' will have to be postponed until another year." 

'* Office Assistant Quartermaster, ^ 

Headquarters 2d Division, 3D Corps. V 

March 13, 1863. J 

"Dear Friends : It is well-nigh two weeks since I 
wrote you, and I suppose I have no good excuse for not 
writing, when I ought to. The facts are, however, that 
last Sunday I was in Washington, and was so busy that 
I thought I would postpone writing, until I reached 
camp. Expected to leave there Tuesday morning; but 
was taken sick Monday night, and did not get away till 
Wednesday morning. That night, I lay aboard a box 
car, at Acquia, and could not sleep for the cold. 

"Reached here yesterday morning about eight o'clock, 
and at 11 a. m. had to accompany the general and staff 
to a wedding that took place in the Seventh New Jersey. 
It was a 'big' affair. General Hooker, two other major 

297 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

generals, half a dozen brig^ers, and about a thousand 
other officers (more or less) were present. We got home 
about dark; cold and utterly worn out." * * * 

'' Office Assistant Quartermaster, 1 

Headquarters 2D Division, 3D Corps. V 

March 21, 1863. J 

**Dear Brother : Your last received to-day. * * * As 
a rule, there are no Sundays in the army; and chaplains 
are at a discount. I love Christ, and try to serve him in 
my way ; but my time is chiefly taken up with the absorb- 
ing cares and anxieties of army life. We are getting 
ready for the spring campaign here, making many 
changes, and really inaugurating some great reforms. 
But it requires labor and thought and anxiety, and a vast 
expenditure of body and brain. To-day, Sabbath as it 
is, I have been in the saddle most of the day, ex necessi- 
tate, wading and plunging through a sea of mud; and 
for the Aveek to come shall have my heart and hands full. 
My Lieutenant Colonelcy has not yet come; but it zvill, 
and that will compensate for much I now have to un- 
dergo. 

"Am here to fight for your safety and your liberties; 
and see to it, that you duly appreciate them. If you 
turn Copperhead, or forget the flag that has so long 
flapped defiance to the enemies of mankind, may your 
right hands forget their cunning, and your tongues 
cleave to the roofs of your mouths! Fight! Never 
give in! Crush the Rebellion! That is the doctrine of 
patriotism, and of Christianity! And may God nerve 
our hearts and strengthen our arms and stiffen our back- 
bones, to hold manfully out to the end! Your Jersey 
Peace Legislature has disgraced the State to all eternity." 

298 



Some Army Letters 

** Office Assistant Quartermaster, 1 

Headquarters 2D Division, 3D Corps. V 

April 5, 1863. J 

"Dear Friends : It is a cold, snowy, and blustery day 
again. It had become delightful weather, and we were ex- 
pecting soon to be on the move again. But yesterday the 
wind rose and blew a gale all day ; and last night it set in 
to snow, and has snowed ever since. I was really 
afraid to undress and go to bed last night. The wind 
swept through camp, a perfect hurricane; and it seemed 
every moment as if the tents would come clattering down 
about our heads. But this morning the wind has moder- 
ated, and I presume the storm will soon be over. 

''The storm has been the cause of a grievous disap- 
pointment to us. The President was coming down, with 
half of his Cabinet, to review our corps, and we should 
have had a 'big' time. However, I suppose, when the 
storm is past, and the ground once more dries, 'Father 
Abraham' will come anyhow. 

"There has something gone wrong down here ; though 
what it exactly is, I cannot say. A week ago, there is 
no doubt, we were just on the eve of a movement here; 
but on Wednesday or Thursday the program was 
changed, and now, I think, we are good for at least two 
weeks more here." 

** Headquarters 2d Division, 3D Corps. ) 
April 12, 1863. ) 

"Dear Brother : I write you again to-day, as usual. 
I got two good Advocates, etc., the other day; glad to re- 
ceive all. The Advocate is a sterling Union sheet and I 
prize it highly. Am proud of it, as a periodical; and I 
honor your New Jersey Methodists for the unqualified 
manner in which they have 'spoken out' on the great 

299 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

question of the times. It is fKt so bad to be known as a 
Methodist, when the Church takes such high and patriotic 
ground, even in a Copperhead State. 

''We are on the eve of a great movement here. The 
cavalry of the whole army move to-morrow, on some se- 
cret expedition; and before this reaches you, we may all 
be off. In expectation of it, I ran up to Washington 
last week, and deposited all my official papers at the 
Metropolitan there. They close up all my accounts to 
April I, 1863; and will be subject to the order of my 
friends, should anything happen to me. Look out for 
great results. This army is in splendid trim, and under 
Hooker will fight mightily. 

'T congratulate you on the reaction North; and pray 
God it may go on, until not a reptile is left to hiss at the 
old flag." 

** Headquarters Berry's Division, 3D Corps. ) 
April 19, 1863. * ) 

"Dear Father: Another week has passed, and we 
are still here. Orders were issued, and we surely would 
have been off last Thursday morning; but Wednesday 
it set in to rain, Thursday it poured, and we have had no 
fit weather to move in since, until to-day. To-day it 
has been glorious. The sun has been even hot, and the 
air warm and balmy. The trees are budding out, the 
grass is springing all around us, and we shall soon have 
summer in earnest. 

"Last year at this time, the army was before York- 
town, and I was in hospital at Fortress Monroe. It has 
been a great year; one of great events and great changes. 
Am thankful to heaven that I am still alive; and am in- 
clined to believe, after all I have passed through, that I 
shall yet come out safe and sound. * * * 

"Was at General Hooker's this morning, with General 

300 



Some Army Letters 

Berry and General Mott; and afterward rode with Gen- 
eral Mott down to the First Jersey Brigade. * * * Gen- 
eral Hooker has gone down to Acquia to meet the Presi- 
dent, Stanton, and Halleck. There is evidently some- 
thing in the wind; we shall not lie idle many days more." 

''Headquarters 2d Division, 3D Corps. 
April 28, 1863. 

''Dear Friends : The army has moved. A portion 
has already crossed the Rappahannock, and is moving on 
the enemy's left flank. The rest, among which is the 
Third Corps, go to-night. The trains move to-morrow. 
God give us a great and substantial victory. 

"I cannot go without dropping you this line, especially 
as I did not write on Sunday. Will write you again, as 
soon as the fight is over. 

"Governor Parker and Quartermaster General Ferine 
were here, and reviewed us on Svmday. It was a fine 
day; and the review was magnificent. * * * 

"Everything now is bustle and preparation ; and I must 
close." 



Headquarters 2D Division, 3D Corps, 
Camp near Falmouth, Va. 
May 3, 1863. 



} 



"Dear Friends : It has been a sad day here. General 
Berry was killed this morning, at the head of our divi- 
sion. General Mott was again wounded ; and every colo- 
nel in his brigade, except one, is either killed or 
wounded. The carnage, on both sides, has been awful. 
O what a Sunday ! 

"I suppose you have full accounts by the papers, ere 
this. We have Fredericksburg, and the formidable 
heights, for which we fought last winter; but our suc- 

30T 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

cess on the right is yet unce^in. We hope and beHeve 
that to-morrow will wind up a week's fighting with a 
great and overwhelming victory. 

''Have not time to write more. Write now merely to 
say I am unhurt and well. For which, laus Deo!" 



** Office of Chief Quartermaster, 
Headquarters 3D Army Corps, 

BOSCOBEL, Va. 
May 10, 1863. 

**Dear Father and Friends : I rejoice that I am able 
to write you once again. We have had a great and fierce 
time here; one of the most terrible battles on record. 
Unfortunately, we have not accomplished all we wished; 
but we gave the Rebels an awful drubbing, and then 
'hauled off for repairs.' Everything was against us. It 
rained repeatedly; and the movement was delayed, until 
the Rebs knew all our plans and had brought up all their 
forces. Yet we made a brilliant fight. We have not 
done as I could have wished. Our brave fighting was in 
vain, and to-day we are back in our old camps. But the 
spirit of the troops is still unbroken ; and there is every in- 
dication of a speedy movement again toward Richmond. 

"I still believe in General Hooker. At any rate I can- 
not forsake him, because he has failed once. He never 
failed before; and McClellan always failed. Stoneman, 
under Hooker's orders and working out the plan of 
Hooker's brain, has done magnificently; and I have no 
doubt you all rejoice over his brilliant achievements. 
I stand by 'Joe' still. His fighting was magnificent. He 
himself was on the very front line. He was standing on 
the porch of a house at Chancellorsville, leaning against a 
pillar; when a shell came, struck the pillar, split it in two, 
and one-half knocked him senseless. I was talking to 

302 



Some Army Letters 

Hooker myself an hour before, at the same place; and he 
was all right then. After that things went awry. No 
head anywhere. 

"The army all did well, except the Eleventh Corps. 
That broke and ran, discreditably. '/ Ughts mit Si gel' 

is played out. Tell S that his Dutchmen can't begin 

to stand up against the fury and rush of Americans, even 
if they are Rebels ! 

"When the Eleventh Corps broke. Hooker instantly 
sent for the Third, and ordered to the front his own old 
division. What a shout went up, as it filed along where 
he sat on his white horse ! The Rebels were in full pursuit 
of the Dutchmen; and as the old division went by to the 
front. Hooker's only remark was : 'Receive them on your 
bayonets, boys ! Receive 'em on your bayonets !' 

"And they did ! The old division went in, with a rush 
and a cheer, and rolled the tide of battle back; with the 
capture of no less than fifteen stands of Rebel colors. 
The battle ceased at midnight; to be renewed early next 
morning, when the gallant Berry fell. He was crossing 
the road, to rally a regiment, when a musket ball struck 
him in the shoulder and passed down through his heart. 
His body was recovered and sent back to the train; where 
I had a coffin made, and draping it with the garrison 
flag that flew at headquarters, forwarded it to his home in 
Maine. He was a brave man, a gallant soldier, and a 
true friend. About the same time, General Mott was 
wounded in the hand. 

"I cannot recount all the losses. My old Jersey brigade 
performed prodigies of valor, and lost nearly a third of 
its entire number. May God give a sweet rest to their 
gallant souls ! 

"Have taken a severe cold, and am otherwise ^used up.' 
Campaign too much for me. Suffering with my throat, 
as I used to at home sometimes; but worse now. Am 
30 303 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil Wax Days 

able to perform office duty,4iut if the corps moves, shall 
get leave of absence, and go to Washington or home. 

''As you see, by the heading of this letter, I am now on 
duty at headquarters Third Army Corps. On the 
seventh, the corps quartermaster was relieved, for vari- 
ous misconduct, etc., during Chancellorsville campaign, 
and I was ordered here as chief quartermaster of the 
corps. General Sickles has behaved very handsomely. 
He has already asked the War Department for my ap- 
pointment as corps quartermaster, with the rank and pay 
of lieutenant colonel, and to be assigned as such to this 
army corps. His request will undoubtedly be complied 
with within thirty days, and then — 'How are you, Lieu- 
tenant Colonel !' So, you see, patience is a good thing ! 
'Time at last, sets all things even !' 

"Naturally I feel elated. Have risen from the lowest 
step in the department, regimental quartermaster, up 
through all the intermediate grades to the one next the 
highest — Chief Quartermaster of the Army. Here I am 
content to stop. Never expect to go any higher, in this 
war. Am duly thankful to the higher powers ! Rejoice 
with me !'^ * * * 

** Office of Chief Quartermaster, 
Headquarters, 3D Army Corps, 

BOSCOBEL, Va. 
May 17, 1863. 

"Dear Friends : Am glad to be able to write you that 
my throat is better. It is still sore and annoying; but 
then I am able to be about and ride, and that will soon re- 
store me. 

"Have not time to write much, and so, with this, will 
say good-by !'* 

304 



Some Army Letters 

«* Office of Chief Quartermaster, 
Headquarters 3D Army Corps, 

BOSCOBEL, Va. 
May 24, 1863. 

"Dear Friends : It has been a very warm, but a very 
pleasant and agreeable Sabbath; which I have enjoyed 
very much. The weather here has become quite warm; 
but we have planted shade trees and constructed arbors, 
until we are quite comfortable. Have had no rain for a 
week or two; so that the country has become very dry. 
But, with this exception, we are getting on quite as well 
as we could expect. This is not war; it is simply camp 
life; which I rather enjoy, than otherwise. 

"We are doing nothing whatever here, and I doubt if 
we shall for a month or so to come. We have lost very 
heavily; by battle, by disease, by discharge of two years' 
and nine months' regiments; so that we have really but 
comparatively a small army left. I doubt if we shall 
move much, before the 'conscripts' reach us. 

"Grant's splendid campaign and the impending fall of 
Vicksburg, however, may change all this. If Grant has 
really had the great success he claims, then Rosecrans will 
be set free to move on East Tennessee and Northern 
Georgia and Alabama. This will compel the evacuation 
of Richmond, and a concentration of the Rebs in the 'Cot- 
ton' States, and then we shall probably get to Richmond 
at last; unless Rosecrans beats us there! 

"My throat still troublesome, and unless it improves, 
shall come home."^ * * * 

* Soon afterward went home on " leave," and remained until June lo or 12. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

**MprROPOLiTAN Hotel, ) 

Washington, D. C. v 

June 15, 1863. ) 

"Dear Friends : I am still here. Was taken ill while 
coming on from Philadelphia. Thursday was better, 
and thought I would proceed to the army on Saturday; 
but Friday was worse again, and my surgeon now thinks 
I will not get away before the close of this week. 

'T hear from the corps every day nearly. They 
marched from Falmouth to Bealeton Station, on the 
Orange and Alexandria Railroad. Thence they are fall- 
ing back on Centreville. Hooker's whole army is on the 
march for Centreville and Washington. I suppose you 
are greatly excited again up North. Pennsylvania has 
good cause to be; but the Rebs won't stay there long. 
Don't be disheartened. Maintain your faith, and stand 
by the flag!" 

** Washington, D. C. ) 

July 5, 1863. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Friends: I am still here; but expect to leave 
to-morrow. Am pretty strong again; and so anxious to 
rejoin, that I must go. 

"They have had a great fight at Gettysburg. Our 
corps has suffered again prodigiously. Yet, thank God ! 
it seems to have been a 'good fight;' and will produce 
great results for the good cause. 

"A great number of my old friends have been killed or 
wounded. Poor General Sickles is here. He left the 
corps Friday morning — having been wounded on Thurs- 
day evening — and arrived here this morning. A round 
shot or shell struck his right leg, just below the knee, 
shattering it badly; and his leg was amputated just above 
the knee that night. Next morning they started with 
him for the nearest railroad, some twenty miles off. 
They had to carry him on a stretcher, on their shoulders, 

306 



Some Army Letters 

the whole distance. On the way, the Rebel cavalry was 
reported near; and they turned off and stopped twelve 
hours at a retired farmhouse. And what do you think? 
This Pennsylvania patriot, not ten miles from the battle- 
field, within the sound of the Rebel guns, actually charged 
the general and his carriers for what they ate and drank 
that night! 

''They reached the railroad safely, however, and then 
came on here. His door has been crowded all day; but 
only a few admitted to see him. The President called 
this afternoon, while I was there, and remained some 
time, discussing the battle, etc. He has great confidence 
in Sickles, and feels his loss just now very much. The 
general, however, is in good spirits. He thinks he will 
get well ; and says, as soon as his leg heals, he will 'give 
the Rebs another lick/ He is not a man to despond. 
He says the army has won a great victory, and made the 
most splendid fight of the war. Am reluctant to leave 
him, but my duty calls me to the corps. Three of his 
staff are with him." 

** Office of Chief Quartermaster, 
Headquarters 3D Army Corps, 
Frederick, Md. 
July 8, 1863. 

''Dear Friends : Arrived here yesterday from Wash- 
ington, and at once assumed command of the train ; which 
I found encamped on the borders of the town. We move 
again at one o'clock this afternoon, and shall reach Mid- 
dletown, some ten miles, to-night. The corps is now on 
the march from Emmittsburg, and will join us at Middle- 
town. 

"The news here is all good. We have won a great and 
important victory. We shall give Lee battle again at 
Antietam or Williamsport, within forty-eight hours; and, 
if he escapes, will chase him through Virginia." 

307 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



*' Office of CJ^ef Quartermaster 
Wagon-Park 3D Army Corps 
July 12, 1863. 



zrA 



**Dear Friends: I write again to say, I am getting 
along very well. * * * 

"Our wagon-train, with all the other trains of the 
army, is parked at the foot of South mountain, in the 
Middletown Valley. The country here is most enchant- 
ing. The soil is underlaid with limestone; of which 
material the fences, houses, and barns are mostly con- 
structed. The crops of grass, wdieat, rye, and corn, now 
growing, are very superior. The country is exactly like 
Cumberland Valley, Pa., and Warren County, N. J., and 
I am constantly reminded of my former homes in those 
localities. 

"The people are mostly loyal, and generally very kind. 
They are all wTong on the 'Nigger' question; but, as 
their slaves are mostly gone, they are pretty much for the 
Union. They receive us very cordially; and we can get 
an excellent meal almost any time. Yesterday I spent 
at the front; and in returning at nightfall, stopped at a 
farmer's. He gave me excellent entertainment for the 
night, and a 'God-speed' this morning. 

"Our troops are far in front, at least twelve miles from 
here. They were expecting to fight this afternoon. The 
two armies are directly in front of each other, and a col- 
lision will not long be delayed. The troops are in fine 
spirits. Gettysburg and Vicksburg, together, have won- 
derfully improved the tone of the army. Yet a great 
many oflficers are absent, and others are daily leaving. 
The fact is, the incessant marching and fighting of the 
last month have pretty much used up everybody; except 
those of the strongest constitution." 

308 



Some Army Letters 

*' Headquarters Army of the Potomac, ) 
July 31, 1863. ) 

''Dear Friends : I write a brief line to say, that I ar- 
rived at Warrenton last night, and this morning was 
ordered on duty here as special inspector of the Army of 
the Potomac. This places me on General Meade's staff at 
headquarters of army, and is a very pleasant position. * * * 

''Half of the army lies here. The remainder near 
Warrenton Junction, some eight miles from here. Army 
headquarters move to-morrow at 8 a. m. to Germantown, 
some twelve miles. This means, we are going to Fred- 
ericksburg or about there, I think. * * * 

"Address me, at Headquarters, Army of Potomac." 

'* Headquarters Army of the Potomac. 1 
Nov. 8, 1863. J 

"Dear Father : We move at nine o'clock this morning, 
toward the Rappahannock. Have not time to write 
much. * * * 

"Am well, and will write again in a day or two."^ 

Cincinnati, Ohio. ) 

Nov. 13, 1863. Sunday evening. ) 

"Dear Brother: * * * No doubt you are surprised 
to hear of my being here. I, however, am glad of the 
change. My life at army headquarters was not alto- 
gether agreeable; and I had no prospect of a change, un- 
til General Sickles should again take the field. When 
that would be, was exceedingly uncertain. When at Cen- 
treville, he rejoined for that purpose, as you saw, no 
doubt, by the papers ; but General Meade politely said he 
did not think him well enough for active service, and so 
sent him back to Washington. 

"From this circumstance, as well as others, I was per- 

1 Letters for August, September, and October lost or mislaid. Very sorry. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

suaded that General Sickles would never again command 
the Third Corps while Meaae commanded the Army of 
the Potomac. '"' * * Sickles expects to be assigned to the 
Department of Washington, and I think he will; but I 
judge it will be two or three months before he gets there. 
His leg is still unhealed, and his health delicate; all that 
the papers say to the contrary. 

''Meanwhile, I am here on my way to General Thomas. 
Was ordered by the Secretary of War to Nashville, 
Tenn.,and as yet am uncertain whether I shall stop there, 
or proceed on to Chattanooga. Am content to do either. 
Shall see the country and make new friends ; and, so long 
as I am in the service, am quite as well off in one portion 
of the army as another. 

''My health is good and spirits excellent. Will write 
you more fully when I get to Nashville." * * * 

"■ Office Chief Quartermaster 

Military Railroads, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. 21, 1863. 

"Dear Friends : At last I am here and fairly settled. 
My orders from the War Department, were to proceed 
to Nashville, and report for duty to General Thomas or 
his chief quartermaster here. After a day or two's con- 
sideration, have been put on duty here as Chief Quarter- 
master of Military Railroads, Department of the Cumber- 
land. Have general charge of receiving and forwarding 
all freight and passengers from here to the army at Chat- 
tanooga and about there. 

"It is a heavy business ; but I think I can manage it. 
Have plenty of help, of all kinds; some dozen or so of 
clerks, and about a thousand employees. Want some 
good experienced railroad men, and shall at once send 



Some Army Letters 

North for them. Have a fine freight house and depot, 
and a large three-story brick building for myself and of- 
fices. 

"Colonel Donaldson, the chief quartermaster, is a very 
intelligent gentleman; and I have no doubt we will get 
along well. He has treated me with great kindness so 
far; and has manifested exceeding confidence in assign- 
ing me to so important a position. * * * 

''What is to come of these various changes, I scarcely 
knows though I hope for the best. But for the present, 
I prefer to be with the army here. The main fight is go- 
ing to be here. Here all interest centers. Here the 
troops are massed. A large number of the best staff of- 
ficers in the East have been ordered here; and I suppose 
I was sent with the rest. Shall at least do my duty ; and 
trust to that good Providence, whose watchful eye is over 
all his works." 

'* Office Chief Quartermaster 

Military Railroads, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. 29, 1863. 

*'Dear Friends : Have been so busy for the past week, 
that I have hardly had time to think of anything. The 
rush and pressure of business have been so great, that 
some days I worked from 5 a. m. to 1 1 p. M. I had some 
idea of the magnitude of the work, inasmuch as all the 
supplies for the great army in front have to pass through 
my hands; but I scarcely supposed that the business 
could be so illy arranged and disorganized. I got things 
into better shape and Vushed' more cars to the front. 
But it was too much for me. I felt it was going: to break 
me down again : and so requested to be relieved. Colonpl 
Donaldson granted my request, and ordered me on duty 

311 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

at his office as his Chief A^tant; whither I go to-mor- 
row. 

"This morning it is cold and Decemberish here. We 
had a light fall of snow last night; and to-day it is not 
thawing anywhere, except in the sun. The climate is 
exceedingly variable. Last week it was delightful one 
day, and the next it blew up with rain and sleet. * * * 

"We have great good news from the army in front,^ as 
you have doubtless seen by the papers, ere this reaches 
you. Five thousand prisoners and forty pieces of can- 
non! Our brave lads have done nobly. Hooker has 
again vindicated himself;^ and I believe will live to si- 
lence all his detractors." * * * 



** Chief Quartermaster's Office 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 13, 1863. 



•} 



"Dear Friends : * * * We are very busy here, and work 
hard. No one can conceive of the immense labor of sup- 
plying the vast army in front. Our office opens at 8 
a. m., and there is a constant stream of work until 8 
p. M. Colonel Donaldson, myself, and seven clerks are 
kept perpetually at work. We have a great army in 
front, and are very proud of it. It accomplishes won- 
ders. There is no see-sawing, backing, and filling — 
marching and countermarching — as in the Army of the 
Potomac; but a grand and steady advance, that carries 
all before it. What magnificent fighting that was at Chat- 
tanooga! The storming of Lookout Mountain and the 
assault of Missionary Ridge are among the greatest 
achievements of history: and Hooker, Sherman, Thomas, 
and Grant will live forever in the memory of mankind. 

"Congress opens well. God be praised for such a 

» Battle of Chattanooga. * At Lookout Mountain. 

312 



Some Army Letters 

speaker as Colfax. And Lincoln, too, is true to himself. 
No flinching, no faltering there! Abe may be a little 
slow ; but in the end he always turns up true. The slave 
shall be 'henceforth and forever free!' That is the lan- 
guage of his Troclamation,' and he stands grandly by 
it. Traise and thanks for an honest man!' " * * * 



Chief Quartermaster's Office, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
Dec. 20, 1863. 



} 



"Dear Brother Henry: Your last received to-day. 
The weather here, just now, is quite winterish. For a 
time, when I first came, it was delightful. But for sev- 
eral days past it has been so cold, that ice has formed 
every night in my water pitcher. I like such weather, 
however, at this season of the year. It tones up one's 
system, and makes a man feel brisk and lively. 

*'You say father wishes me to remain here. Has he 
thought the matter fully over? I am not yet decided as 
to what is best, and am often sorry I was not allowed to go 
on to Hooker.^ There is much to be said on both sides. 
On the one side, is personal comfort. I am nicely sit- 
uated, in a Secesh mansion, with Colonel Donaldson; 
who, with a kindness unlooked for, has shared his quar- 
ters with me. We have a comfortable ofifice, and he en- 
trusts me with great confidence and consideration. We 
go to the office at 8 a. m., to dinner at 3 p. M.,and leave the 
office at 6 p. m. or soon after as practicable. This gives 
me the evenings mostly to myself. Thus, as Chief As- 
sistant Quartermaster, I suppose I ought to be content for 
a man of my years ; but am not. 

"On the other hand, life at the front, with Hooker, 

1 In November was ordered to report to Hooker as his Chief Quartermaster. But the order 
was suppressed by Donaldson, who wanted me at Nashville ; and I knew nothing of it until 
weeks afterward. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

would be exceedingly roug}^ but it holds out the prospect 
of honor and promotion. I should instantly decide for 
Hooker; but his own position, as yet, is so uncertain, that 
it is unsafe to commit one's self to his fortunes. His com- 
mand is only two corps; and it is not yet settled whether 
lie will stay here or return East. * * * 

*lt is strange how one's acquaintances turn up. I never 
supposed for a moment, that anybody would know me 
here; and yet scarcely a day passes, that somebody does 
not come into the office that has 'heard Captain Rusling 
was in Nashville, and wants to see him.' Only yesterday, 
old Dr. John H. Phillips, of Pennington, N. J., came in. 
It seems he was appointed a surgeon some months ago, 
and shortly after was assigned to duty at Nashville; 
where he has been ever since. He has his family with 
him, and has charge of one of the hospitals here. Guess 
there is no getting out of the world — at least no getting 
anywhere where somebody will not know you ! 

''Moral. — Be careful how you conduct yourself, when 
you drop down into a new place, or among strange com- 
pany ! ! 

"I think of you all at home very often, and not unfre- 
quently wish myself there. Especially on Sundays. * * * 

''In conclusion, a Merry Christmas and a Happy New 
Year, and may Heaven grant you many of them ! 



"Chief Quartermaster's Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 28, 1863. 



} 



"Dear Friends : Have only time to write a line, to say 
that I am still alive and kicking.' Our chief clerk is 
away, to be gone a week, and I am compelled to do his 
duty, and mine as well." * * * 

314 



} 



Some Army Letters 

'* Chief Quartermaster's Office, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
Jan. 3, 1864. 

"Dear Friends: Christmas and New Year's are both 
over, and the year has once more settled down to its 
wonted gravity and solemnity. We have not seen much 
Christmas here. We had a good dinner, and closed the 
office for a part of the day; but the general operations of 
the department went forward quite as usual. Take the 
week altogether, however, there has been less work than 
ordinarily; and I cannot say I have not enjoyed it. Am 
getting pretty well acquainted with officers here; and have 
become so familiar with the department, that much of 
what was disagreeable has become pleasant. 

"We have old winter here, just now, quite as severely 
as you have at home. To-day it has been snowing all 
day, and the air is as wintry as any you have at Trenton. 
As I write, sleighs are passing the office, and the bells are 
jingling merrily. The cold weather has frozen up the 
railroad and telegraph, and we have no news from the 
North. I suppose you are having cold weather too. 
God help the poor ! 

"I am writing to you in the midst of an office full of 
people. Two officers are by my side, and I talk with them 
while writing to you. This may make my letter seem 
disjointed; but it is the best I can do. 

"Just now, have some prospects of returning East 
again soon, and shall not be sorry." * * * 



} 



** Chief Quartermaster's Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Jan. II, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : We have had a cold and dreary week 
here. Snow, ice, and shivering generally. I am a con- 
firmed disbeliever in the 'Sunny South.' If the past week 

315 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

is a fair specimen, then th^ Sunny South ' is a myth, a 
humbug, a nonentity ; and I shall never more believe in it. 

•'Such weather is especially detestable in this latitude. 
The houses are all mere shells, with great cracks at the 
doors and windows; and it is next to impossible to keep 
warm in cold weather. And then, besides, there are no 
stoves; nothing but open fireplaces and grates. The 
grates did very well for a while, and the cheery fire of the 
blazing bituminous coal was agreeable enough. But 
when the pinching cold of last week came, they 'played 
out.' I searched the town, and could only find two stoves 
for sale all told. These I seized upon; one for the ofifice 
and the other for myself. Since then have made out very 
well. 

'Tt has been a busy week; but have felt remarkably 
well, and things have gone through with a rush. Have 
enjoyed the work. It is a pleasurable duty to work hard, 
when one's body and mind are both in full play; and I 
have felt about like, I suppose, a spirited nag feels when 
he champs the bit and 'devours the ground with fierce- 
ness and rage.' " * * * 



*♦ Chief Quartermaster's Office 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Jan. 17, 1864. 



■} 



"Dear Friends : We have had a great sensation and a 
real pleasure here. No less a person than Bishop Simp- 
son arrived here two days ago, in company with one of 
the Book Agents in Cincinnati, on his way to East Ten- 
nessee. They came to look after Methodism in this be- 
nighted region; and to see what they could do toward 
reorganizing and reestablishing its institution. They 
stumbled into our oflfice, with an order from General 
Grant, in quest of transportation to Knoxville. A blow 
in the face would scarcely have astonished me more than 

316 



Some Army Letters 

seeing the good Bishop standing by my side with his or- 
der. 

"I wrote out the order for his transportation by rail- 
road and steamboat, and then asked him if he didn't 
recognize me. He said he thought he did; and when I 
mentioned my name, and that I had taken tea with him at 
Bordentown during the New Jersey Conference there, 
in 1 86 1, he at once remembered me. It was a pleasing 
incident. I went around to see him that evening; and 
this morning heard him preach in the State capitol. It 
was cold and disagreeable there, and a rainy, disagreeable 
morning without; but the Bishop preached with his usual 
power and eloquence, and I enjoyed it greatly. * * * 

''I expect to be very busy the coming week. Colonel 
Donaldson is going to the front to-morrow, to inspect the 
condition of the railroad and the quartermaster depots, 
and I shall have charge of the department for the week. 
But I suppose I shall get through. At least, shall try." 



Chief Quartermaster's Office 
Nashville, Tenn. 
Jan. 24, 1864. 



■} 



"Dear Father: At last, we are having Southern 
weather here. Heretofore, since I have been here, the 
weather has been execrable, as a rule. But to-day the 
air is as warm and balmy as your days in May and June. 

"Have not heard from home for now two weeks. I 
suppose the cold weather, which froze up the railroads, 
interfered with the mails, and that this warm weather 
will bring us all right again. 

"Am not very well to-day. Troubled with malaria 
again. Affairs here not satisfactory. Everything de- 
pends on the railroad from here to Chattanooga; and it 
is a frail dependence. By our utmost exertions, we can 

317 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

only make about fifty cars a^^y to the front, and to sup- 
ply the army well takes over a hundred. 

"We work hard; but get embarrassed, and I fret and 
worry. 1 can never be happy unless entirely succeeding, 
and entire success is impossible here. True, I have no 
direct responsibility — Donaldson being chief; but it is a 
matter of pride with me, that all should go well. 

''The country knows but little of the condition of af- 
fairs here, or they would be alarmed for this army. Half 
rations of food and one-quarter rations of forage are not 
much better than the Rebs have, if as good. But I trust 
in God, and hope all will yet be well. At least, no short- 
coming on my part shall be said." 

'* Chief Quartermaster's Office,^ 

Nashville, Tenn. V 

Jan. 31, 1864. J 

"Dear Friends ; * * * j regret to say, my box is still 
'among the missing.' It has now been about a month 
on its journey, and I have pretty much given it up. * "^ * 
Still I hope not to lose it. * * * 

"I think seriously of resigning in the spring. Will it 
do? How is business in Trenton; especially among the 
lawyers ? I think something of settling here in Nash- 
ville. There are fine openings for young men here in Ten- 
nessee; and I know some loyal people here who would 
like me to remain for good." 

*< Chief Quartermaster's Office, "j 

Nashville, Tenn. > 

Feb. 14, 1864. J 

"Dear Friends : I am ashamed to confess, it is now 
two weeks since I wrote you. Last Sunday, I put it off, 
as I scarcely had time ; and so from day to day it has run 
over, until now Sunday has come again, without mv giv- 

318 



Some Army Letters 

ing you the scratch of a pen. Such a thing, I beUeve, has 
not occurred before, since August, 1861, and I do not 
mean it shall again very often. 

"Last week had a memorable day here. Had an early 
breakfast, and then rode out with Captain Irvin, one of 
our assistant quartermasters, to the 'Hermitage,' An- 
drew Jackson's old place, some ten or twelve miles from 
here. The morning was fine, the road good, and the ride 
superb. I have never seen a finer country than that 
through which we traveled. It is almost as level as the 
country from Trenton to Crosswicks ; the turnpike even a 
better one; and the soil vastly superior. What a magnif- 
icent country this must have been before the war!. The 
farms bore evidence of a high state of cultivation; and 
many of the mansions were really palatial in their dimen- 
sions and style. 

'The 'Hermitage' itself is a bad imitation of Mount 
Vernon; and is going sadly to decay. The front yard 
is a fine grove of cedars. The house is about like the 
one you live in, though more pretentious in style. The 
garden is about the size of yours ; with the tomb of Jack- 
son and his wife in one corner. This tomb is surmounted 
by an urn, which is almost toppled over ; and the plaster- 
ing on the roof of the little sort of temple, which covers 
the grave of the great man, is almost all fallen off. The 
most interesting part of the premises is the parlor, in 
which hang several excellent portraits of the old hero, 
and there the spirit of the old Roman still seems to walk 
abroad. 'By the Eternal !' I thought, if he had ruled 
instead of James Buchanan, in 1860-61, we should never 
have had this wretched, sickening war that now desolates 
the land ! 

"I enjoyed the ride very much. I succeeded in cutting 
two good hickory canes ; one of which T will send father 
by express, as soon as I can js^et it dressed up a little. By 
21 3'9 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

the way, I gave orders to a^^ng of men we have at work 
out there, felHng timber for saw-logs, etc., when they got 
through, to clean up the 'Hermitage' property and put 
the tomb in good repair. The estate is now the property 
of the State of Tennessee ; but, if she does fail to care for 
him, the 'Northern Vandals' will not fail to regard the 
old hero's bones i" * * * 



** Chief Quartermaster's Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Feb. 2 1, 1864. 



} 



"Dear Father: Another week has rolled by. We 
have had a cold snap again, and in common with many 
others, have caught cold. However, am better again this 
morning. The weather has moderated ; and we are hav- 
ing as pleasant a Sunday morning as you usually enjoy 
the last of April or the first of May. 

"I have nothing especially new to write. My last let- 
ter was so long, that I can afford to write a short one 
now. I have not been entirely idle this winter. In the 
midst of cares, have found time to write an article on 
'The War,' which will appear in the Quarterly Reviczi^,ior 
April. The other day I had another offer from General 
Hooker, to take the field as his Chief Quartermaster. Was 
strongly tempted to go. But after thinking the matter 
fully over, and consulting my friends here, decided not 
to go : unless appropriate rank was given me before leav- 
ing here. I replied to that effect, and am content to 
wait the chances. * * * 

"My 'box' came at last, all right." * * * 

** Chief Quartermaster's Office, \ 

Nashville, Tenn. > 

March 21,1 864. ) 

"Dear Friends : I spent a very pleasant Sabbath yes- 
terday. At II A. M., deserted the ofiice, and went over 

320 



Some Army Letters 

to the Presbyterian Church; where I heard a good loyal 
Methodist sermon from a Calvinistic preacher of the un- 
common name of Jones ! He labored hard to show that 
'spiritual things can be discerned only by the spiritually 
minded,' and made out a pretty good case for those who 
believe that human reason has nothing to do with matters 
of religion. I heard him with a good deal of interest, 
however, and think his sermon decidedly the best I have 
heard in Nashville, after Bishop Simpson's. * * * 

''In the afternoon, had a fine gallop out by the camp 
of the Fifteenth U. S. Colored Troops; a regiment that 
reports to us for duty in the quartermaster department, 
as laborers. I took Major Patterson, from Freehold, of the 
Thirty-fifth New Jersey, formerly speaker of the House, 
out with me. The 'contrabands' are a splendid body of 
troops, and the major was delighted. He is just fresh 
from New Jersey, and never saw a colored regiment be- 
fore. He is a pretty good war man now, and will ultimate- 
ly turn out an Abolitionist; as all other sensible men. O, 
I am so glad that 1 had the sagacity, so long ago as 1856, 
to see the shadow of coming events ; and to come out then 
boldly on the side of Freedom ! A man is an owl who has 
continued pro-slavery all these days." * * * 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

April I, 1864. 

"Dear Brother: Yours of the twenty-second is just 
received. As I have a leisure moment, in the midst of of- 
fice business, I embrace it to answer at once. 

"First, in reply to your question about my horses. I 
have to say I turned two of them over to the quartermas- 
ter department in Washington, and procured two others 

321 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

from the department here, ip pursuance of existing or- 
ders. The other I left in the army to be sold, as he was 
lame at the time, and is only now getting well enough to 
be offered for sale. He had the 'heel-grease' badly, and 
came near dying. * * * 

''Second, as to what I am doing here. I am serving 
with Colonel Donaldson, the senior and supervising quar- 
termaster of the Department of the Cumberland, as his 
Chief Assistant; in other words, as the assistant chief 
quartermaster of the department. It is the highest posi- 
tion I have ever held; but, under the peculiar organization 
of the quartermaster department, gives no increase of 
rank, because United States law does not provide for 

.4. ^ ^ >|v 

"As to the work of our office, it is overwhelming. We 
have over a dozen quartermasters on duty here at Nash- 
ville. We employ over twelve thousand laborers, me- 
chanics, and clerks. Our disbursements alone amount 
to over five million dollars per month. We run over 
six hundred miles of railroad, providing rolling stock, 
employees, and everything. We supply over a hundred 
thousand men, scattered from Knoxville to Chattanooga, 
and thence to Memphis. This is the biggest army depot 
to-day on the face of the earth. We have an office with 
seven clerks and five detectives; and thus run the whole 
machine. Of course, we work hard, but it is nice work. 
We have vast control and patronage and power, and this 
is pleasant to the human heart and intellect. Promotion 
of some sort will come at last, or else all history is false, 
and I am resolved to hang on and take my chances." * * * 

322 



Some Army Letters 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

May I, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : I am well, but very busy. Extraor- 
dinarily well, indeed, for me. * * * 

"Sherman is in the midst of a great movement, with all 
his disposable forces; and probably before you get this, 
there will have been fought one of the greatest and most 
desperate battles of the war. We all have implicit confi- 
dence in such a magnificent soldier, and bid him God- 
speed !" 

*' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

May 8, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : I am well. Hastily, 

"J. F. R." 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

May 14, 1864. 

"My Dear Friends : Have spent a very pleasant and 
delightful week here. With the commencement of oper- 
ations at the front, our business has dropped off, and that 
has given us time for leisure. On Friday, I took a ride 
with a party of several others out into the country. It 
was a most charming day — 

" ' Sweet day, so cool, so calm, so bright, 
The bridal of the earth and sky,' 

as good George Herbert wrote — and I enjoyed it exceed- 
ingly. We went about six miles out, to the residence of 
General Harding, a noted rebel here in the time of Se- 

323 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

cesh. Now he has taken the^^mnesty oath, and calls him- 
self a loyal United States citizen. He has a small farm of 
about three thousand acres, of the most superb land I ever 
beheld. It is naturally a limestone soil, with heavy black 
loam several feet thick all over it. Originally a large 
part of his land was a dense canebrake, but this was long 
since cleared off, and the land devoted to grain and graz- 
ing. The herbage of timothy, clover, and bluegrass is 
one dense mass ; the finest for grazing I ever saw. About 
five hundred acres are appropriated to a magnificent 
park, where deer and goats run at large, almost as free as 
in their native wilds. 

''Before the war, Harding was the greatest stock raiser 
in Tennessee. He raised fancy stock of all kinds. His 
horses especially were noted for their beauty, speed, and 
endurance. Our Union soldiers made sad havoc with his 
property, at first ; he having been foolish enough to 'ske- 
daddle' on our approach to Nashville. The remnants are 
still there, however, and his horses would do your eyes 
good to look upon. He has one horse, a dappled gray 
stallion, the handsomest creature I ever saw\ He values 
him at the small figure of eighteen thousand dollars ( !) ; 
and I presume he w^ould bring it. He has several fine 
yearlings and two-year-old colts, that he values at four 
and six hundred dollars each. 

"It is a grand old place he has. His father and grand- 
father lived there before him. You approach the place 
by the turnpike, betw^een old-fashioned, Warren County, 
New Jersey, limestone wall fences, made to stand for gen- 
erations. Good thing for Harding! If they had been 
rail or board or paling, the soldiers would have burnt 
them up long ago ! But they can't burn stones ! Turn- 
ing in at the gate, you cross a fine, broad, clear stream of 
water, half as large and quite as clear as the Pequest, that 
runs through the entire estate. Then you wind your way 

324 



Some Army Letters 

up a gentle slope, among original old forest trees, to the 
house — a great, large, sprawling, spread-all-around, half 
old, and half new affair, that would accommodate a vil- 
lage, more or less, without much trouble. 

'*We were received very courteously and treated hos- 
pitably to refreshments, and then shown all about. It 
was a bad thing for quiet men. It woke all of one's bad 
ambitions, and made one half forget that slavery was 
such a curse after all. But, as a good Providence would 
have it, we had scarcely passed out into the main road on 
our way home, when, issuing from a field of Harding's, 
came three stout-looking, middle-aged colored women, 
dressed almost a la Bloomer, in dirty rags, and with long 
hoes over their shoulders. 

"This was the other side of the picture. It was a fit 
finale and commentary on what had gone before, and re- 
vealed at last the skeleton, which we were inclined to for- 
get. It brought to mind the fact, that Harding rolled in 
luxury by stealing the wages of others, and by driving 
to his fields women, whom heaven intended for other 
w^ork. His ease and wealth repose on blood and crime; 
and the slaveholder is welcome to both. We came home 
thankful that our hands and consciences were at least 
clean of innocent blood, if we were not so well off in this 
world's goods ; and so went content to sleep." 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

June 5, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : Am well. Have nothing new to re- 
port. Everybody is anxiously awaiting the result of 
operations under Grant and Sherman. We are all hope- 
ful, and even confident. I pray God to stand by the flag, 

325 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

and give success to our arnii^! O, the suffering and the 
agony of the nation! How long! O Lord! how long!" 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

June 12, 1864. 



f 



"Dear Friends: I have nothing especially to write 
about; and yet write because I think you will expect a 
letter. Don't you think, seriously speaking, that there is 
really some virtue in such conduct? For now these three 
years, have been writing you regularly every Sabbath, 
when not actually on the march or engaged in battle; 
and I think that is pretty good. * * * 

" We are continuing to have the most delightful 
weather here. This country is a perfect paradise. O, how 
I do enjoy it! Am in the best of health, and have never 
yet been in any land, that I liked so well. Tennessee is 
bound to be a great State again. The work of reorgani- 
zation goes slowly on. With all her troubles, she is yet 
to-day more loyaj tftan Kentucky; and I predict a great 
future for her//The National Republican Convention 
has recently done a just thing for her great and patriotic 
statesman, Andrew Johnson. I know him well. He 
takes his nomination as a matter of course, and will un- y. 
doubtedly be elected by an overwhelming majority. ^r 

"I think the American people were never wiser than 
when they renominated Abraham Lincoln. It is the 
bitterest pill that could have been tendered to the South. 
It is a safe rule always to do that which your enemies 
won't like. And its significance abroad will be most en- 
couraging. It will show foreign nations, that a Demo- 
cratic Republic can yet be stendy enough in the midst of 
civil commotions to do the fit thing at the right time; rnd 

326 



Some Army Letters 

that we will always sustain and uphold our rulers when 
they do right. 

'The platform is splendid. Maximilian had better 
take care. We shall upset him, as sure as fate, just as 
soon as the Rebellion is over. Slavery is gone up. The 
only thing left is to amend the Constitution, so as to le- 
gally abolish it, now and forever! And it will be done, 
sure, next winter. Glory, hallelujah!" 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

July II, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : I did not write you last week, because 

Mr. B was going home and was to call and see 

you. I knew he could tell you more and could answer 
more inquiries than I could in the compass of a letter; 
and therefore, I concluded to let the living tongue per- 
form the service of the dead pen. 

*'Our Fourth of July passed off very well. Our town 
was far more patriotic than I supposed it would be; and 
the display of bunting was respectable. I made a holiday 
of it, as far as possible; discharging the most of our 
force at 8 a. m. ; and spent the time as well as could be ex- 
pected, so far away from home and in the midst of stran- 
gers. I send you one of our papers, as a specimen of 
Nashville patriotism; and think Trenton will find it 
hard to beat. * * * 

"In addition to the books I wTOte for, I want you to 
send me my volume of Plutarch. I want you also to send 
me monthly as early as you can purchase them, Harper's 
Monthly and the Atlantic Monthly Magazines." * * * 

327 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

* Senior and Supervisi^ Quartermaster's^ 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

July 2 1, 1864. 

"Dear Friends: I am getting bad. It is positively 
Thursday, and yet I have not written my usual Sunday 
letter home. If I had not a pretty good reason for my 
delay, I suppose my conscience would cry aloud. * "!' * 

''Last week, I went with a party of officers and ladies 
to visit the great Mammoth Cave, in Kentucky, about one 
hundred miles north of here, on the Louisville Road. We 
reached the cave about 9 a. m. Had a good breakfast, 
and at 10 a. m. entered the cave. There were twenty- 
five of us in all, and we had a good time. The cave is 
actually one of the greatest wonders in the world. We 
went in nine miles. When three miles in, we came to a 
subterranean river, forty feet wide and thirty-five feet 
deep, and sailed along this for half a mile. Then we came 
to a long, narrow winding way, about eight feet high, six 
feet wide, and two miles long. After this, we came to 
a long hall, sixty feet wide, forty feet high, and two and 
a half miles long. The roof of this was one mass of 
crystals that gleamed and sparkled in our lamplights, like 
a million diamonds. I collected a large number, and will 
send them home shortly. 

"But I cannot tell you all now. I propose to write an 
account of our trip, and will send you a copy. It was one 
of the most delightful trips of my life. We spent two 
days in the cave, exploring it in all directions; and got 
back here about as 'played out' a set of people as you ever 
saw. Yet I would not have missed the trip for anything. 
It was my first absence from Nashville in nearly eight 
months, and I enjoyed it hugely." * * * 

328 



Some Army Letters 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

July 21, 1864. 

"My Dear Friends : * * * I think it not improbable 
that I shall get home in August or September, for a brief 
visit, if nothing more. But I do not care to leave, so long 
as we have so much to do. We are very busy. We have 
to supply all the vast armies operating in Tennessee and 
down below, and you may be sure we have our hands 
full. We have nearly a score of officers and about six- 
teen thousand employees to assist; and the work done 
from week to week is truly astonishing. 

"The books you sent me arrived all safely. Also, the 
clothes. For both of which, many thanks ! You omitted 
to send me my copy of Burns. It is bound in red mus- 
lin and ought to be in my library. If so, please send it 
by express." * * * 

*' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's"" 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Aug. 7, 1864. 

"Dear Friends: I had a letter from Henry a day 
or two ago, in which he says, among other things, 
that the reason why he did not send my copy of Burns 
was, that he could not find it. T am sure it is somewhere 
about, and I should like very much to have it here. * * * 
I am about commencing a course of study. My business 
is over after 6 p. m., as a rule; and I don't care to waste 
the time by loafing around in idleness and vice, as too 
many others do. 

"Thank God ! I have a love for books ; and with good 

329 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

books can always make my4^n society, and enjoy my- 
self as 1 please. * * * I liave no thought or care for many 
things others enjoy, and so fall back upon my old and 
constant and never-failing source of pleasure and profit — 
books. Thank God for books! Ihey are the best and 
highest gifts of heaven to man (after woman) ; and to 
every thoughtful mind a really good book is 

" ' A thing of beauty and a joy forever! * 

"We have no great news here. Sherman is still thun- 
dering at the gates of Atlanta ; and we earnestly hope will 
soon enter in. If he does, he will be set down as one of 
the greatest captains of the age. His march from Chat- 
tanooga to Atlanta is one of the most famous, so far, 
in history. God grant that it may end in a magnificent 
success! He is a thorough soldier, every inch of him; 
and I applaud him to the skies. 

"I fear he has made a mistake in losing Hooker; yet 
he knew Hooker better than I did ; and therefore, I can- 
not blame him.^ Hooker stood out well here, and is 
really a magnificent soldier. * * * Here is a tear to his 
hrdvery, anyhow!" 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Aug, 22, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : I did not write yesterday, because too 
busily engaged : and so take advantage of an early hour 
this morning, before business sets in, to write you now. 
Nor did I write you last Sunday, for reasons which you 
will find below. 

"Last Wednesday week, August 10, at 2:30 a. m., I 

' General Hooker had just resigned and gone North. 



Some Army Letters 

left here on a special train in company with Colonel D. 
C. McCallum, from Washington, D. C, general manager 
of United States Military Railroads, for the purpose of 
making a general inspection of railroads and quartermas- 
ter supplies from Nashville to Atlanta. Got to Chatta- 
nooga same night. Next day made an inspection of our 
depot there, and late in the afternoon ascended Lookout 
Mountain. This is a bold, out jutting mountain, that 
jumps up square from the level plateau of the Tennessee 
River to a distance of fully seventeen hundred feet; and 
the top stands naked and defiant against the sky. From 
the extreme 'Lookout' point, a great naked rock, a hun- 
dred feet square down its side, where it looks out over the 
valley, the scene is magnificent and grand. 

"Chattanooga, in a level basin, five miles long by three 
wide, nestles at your feet. It is a little dilapidated town ; 
swarming now with quartermaster storehouses, mules, 
and troops. By its side, seeming like a thread or band of 
silver, the Tennessee winds most crookedly along from 
the north. Off to the east, you look clear across no less 
than five distinct ranges of mountains, away a hundred 
miles to a faint line of blue, that they say is a ridge of 
great height in North Carolina. By your side you see 
the abandoned batteries, from which the Rebs were so in- 
gloriously driven by the gallant Hooker. Just beyond the 
town looms up Missionary Ridge, that our boys stormed 
and carried so magnificently last winter. 

"Hereafter, it will be just the world's wonder, how we 
managed to hold Chattanooga at all, much less repulse 
and defeat the Rebs. It is worth a voyage across the At- 
lantic and a trip across the Continent, just to see what the 
Republic did here, when beset by copperheads in the rear, 
and Rebels in the front. 

"Altogether, I reckon, I rather enjoyed the sight; espe- 
cially when, just at sunset, a thundershower went sailing 

331 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

over the mountains to the e^, its outHnes visible at each 
side, while in the middle the rain poured. As we gazed 
upon the singular sight, the clear sky shining blue all 
around it, suddenly as it reached the right angle for the 
sunrays, across the valley from Lookout to the shower, 
there sprang into view a grand and gorgeous rainbow. 
It couldn't be seen at all from the valley below ; but to us 
sitting on Lookout Rock, seventeen hundred feet above 
the river, it was a sight never to be forgotten. It was 
long after dark, when we reached the foot of the moun- 
tain, and we were tired enough you may be sure; but I 
felt amply compensated for my fatigue by what I saw. 

"Next morning at a quarter past two, we left for At- 
lanta. Crossed the Chattahoochee, and ran up to within 
half a mile of our works same evening. That night I 
went over to General Thomas' headquarters about a mile 
away. Was with him until near midnight, talking 
about our supplies, etc. ; and then he sent me back in an 
ambulance. Next morning early ambulances were sent 
over to us from General Thomas'; and we all went over 
to General Sherman's headquarters, some four miles to 
the right. We spent the day there, consulting and ar- 
ranging about army matters generally, of no particular 
interest to you civilians. 

"I know Sherman well (saw much of him in Nashville 
last winter) ; and he showed us every courtesy and civil- 
ity."^ 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Aug. 28, 1864. 

"Dear Henry : I am in receipt of your letter of a few 
days since. * * * In the matter of substitutes, tell every- 

^ For rest of this letter substantially, see chap, viii.pp. 114-117. 



Some Army Letters 

body that I am not inclined to save, and will not lift my 
finger to save a single Jersey copperhead from the draft. 
The country has had three years of my life; now let it 
have some of theirs. If they are thoroughgoing cop- 
perheads, they are only fit 'food for powder,' anyhow. 

''This has been a most delightful week. The weather 
has been cool and delicious; and the climate, generally, 
the most enjoyable in the world. They say here, that 
this weather is going to last far into the fall, or early win- 
ter, and I reckon it will. Altogether, I like Tennessee 
very much; and have half lost my love for Jersey, since 
she became so disloyal." * * * 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Sept. 2, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : All well here. The best of news from 
Sherman. Thank God! Atlanta has fallen; and victory 
at Atlanta means success everywhere! The star of the 
Republic is once more in the ascendant; and the friends 
of Freedom should take heart and rejoice ! Am very well, 
and jubilant with joy. Our flags are out, our bells are 
ringing ; and from Capitol Hill a hundred guns are thun- 
dering on the air the great Union victory ! 

"Next you will hear of the fall of Richmond. It is 
as sure as logic, and as inevitable as fate. I feel it 'in 
my bones/ The Rebs may flourish like a green bay tree 
'for a time;' but in the end, you will look for them, and 
not 07te of them will be found! Good-by to McClellan 
and the copperheads! November will extinguish them 
forever." 

333 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

** Senior and SuPERVii^o Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Sept. II, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : Am very well. The copy of Burns 
arrived safe. Will write more in a day or two." 

" Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Sept. 12, 1864. 

"Dear Henry: I have yours of September i. It went 
astray to Chattanooga. * * * 

"My account of the Mammoth Cave is in the press. 
Will send you a copy as soon as it is out. 

"I had a letter from G some time ago about 'sub- 
stitutes/ etc., and answered forthwith. I don't suppose 
he was pleased with my reply. The substance of it was, 
that the Secretary of War prohibited me from engaging 
in the business; that I would not do it anyhow; that I 
was in favor of drafting copperheads instead; that I had 
served three years, and now wanted to see some of the 
stay-at-homes take my place! General Sherman's ad- 
mirable letter knocked the whole 'Southern colored sub- 
stitute' business in the head, and I was immensely glad of 

j|. " * 5}J * 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Oct. 2, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : We are in the midst of considerable 
excitement here ; and yet I must find time to drop you a 
line. The Rebs under Forrest, for a week past, have 

334 



Some Army Letters 

been raiding our railroads, and they are threatening 
Nashville. I opine it will not amount to a great deal ; yet 
our people are pretty thoroughly scared, and we are mak- 
ing extra efforts to give the rascals a proper reception. We 
have stripped our teams and stables of all available horses 
and mules; and this afternoon we shall mount cavalry, 
infantry, and everything else, and push them straight 
upon the audacious riders. Troops are moving up, how- 
ever, from Atlanta and Chattanooga to head them off; 
and I suspect, ere you get this, the danger will be chiefly 
over. 

"For my part am not the least bit alarmed. We have 
seven thousand men, belonging to our department here, 
under arms; and are not afraid to venture out against 
Forrest with even these. It would be a sort of militia 
fighting ; but at least two thirds of them are old soldiers, 
and they would back up the rest. 

"The nights are getting quite cold; while it is very 
warm in the middle of the day. The result is that many 
are complaining of sickness. I have had two clerks flat 
on their backs for a week past, and two more that scarcely 
keep about. Not well myself, but have too much to do 
to get entirely down." * * * 

''Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. I, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : Am quite unwell, but just as busy as 
a man can be! Things are pretty well *mixed' here. 
Hood and Forrest are on a great raid North ; and Sherman 
on an equally great raid South. Both movements look 
desperate, but we shall see, what we shall see. T have 
the most implicit faith in Sherman's generalship and 
sagacity." 

23 335 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. 12, 1864. 

"Dear Brother: Yours of the sixth received. Am 
greatly gratified with the election, as you may well sup- 
pose. 

"Am glad your Lincoln and Johnson demonstration 
passed off so successfully. Had hoped you would be able 
to carry the State; but see by the returns you did not. 
Well, never mind. You at least deserved success, and 
that is something. You reduced the Democratic major- 
ity handsomely, and gained one Congressman; and so 
deserve the thanks of the Nation. It is all right, anyhow, 
as it is. Lincoln is elected again, and the war and free- 
dom are vindicated. It is the heaviest 'lick' the Rebs 
have received in four years, worth half a dozen ordinary 
victories; and the world at large will so regard it. 

"I suppose you folks at home are somewhat muddled 
about our military affairs here. Never mind. We keep 
our own counsel. The next you hear of Hood, he will 
be on a two-forty race for southern Georgia or Alabama, 
with Thomas in pursuit; while Sherman will turn up at 
Savannah or Charleston before you know it. I am not 
at liberty to say more now, even to you; but rest assured 
in the conviction that we have more troops than the 
Rebs have : and that Sherman is more than an overm.atch 
for Hood and Beauregard, both put together. I know 
Sherman, and he is decidedly the most able and brilliant 
commander the war has produced on either side, as yet." 

336 



Some Army Letters 

'* Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. i6, 1864. 

**Dear Henry : Am pretty well, and very busy. Don- 
aldson has gone east, to Washington, etc. ; and I am serv- 
ing as Chief Quartermaster in his absence." 

'' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Nov. 24, 1864. 

**Dear Friends: * * * General^ Donaldson is away 
East, on leave, and I am doing all the work of the office. 
Very busy, of course. 

''To-day is Thanksgiving Day, and we have a little 
more leisure. Not that we are entirely free from work, 
but I have shut up most of the offices and shops, and dis- 
charged all my own clerks, save one. For myself, I have 
been here most of the day ; and now, at 3 p. m., am just 
closing up to go home to dinner. 

"I suppose you are having a very pleasant and happy 
time. Have gone to church in the morning. Have 
come home to turkey and cranberries, perhaps some one 
with you; and are enjoying yourselves with 'the feast 
of reason and the flow of soul.' That means, pumpkin 
pie and Jersey coffee! 

"Well, that is a good way to be thankful; and I am 
thankful, too. Am thankful in a national way, for vic- 
tory in the field and triumphs at the polls. Thankful, in 
a State way, for your having cut down your copperhead 
majority from fifteen thousand to four thousand, and 

>He had recently been promoted Brigadier-General by brevet, most deservedly. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

gained one good Congressman. Thankful, in a personal 
way, for all the good I have had and the blessings I have 
enjoyed. I am not certain, that I am thankful for other 
things — disappointments, griefs, sorrows — though I sup- 
pose I ought to be ; for God is wisest, best, truest, and by 
his very nature must 'do all things well,' for those who 
love and serve him. This is just how I feel. 

''Don't know that it is exactly right, or exactly wrong. 
But suppose I would be more human and civilized and re- 
fined and better, if I was only home with you all and 
away from this ceaseless fret and worry and stretch of 
mind. Fact is, sometimes I feel pretty well worn out, and 
disgusted. A great department, with its endless wants, 
presses on us here ceaselessly and constantly. A hun- 
dred thousand men to supply. Five hundred miles of ter- 
ritory to supply them over; fifty thousand mules and 
twenty-five thousand horses. And here at Nashville 
alone, over fifteen thousand men to work and control. 

"You may well think it a prodigious job. Heart and 
hands at all times full. No time for rest. No time for 
thought. Work, eat, sleep! Work, eat, sleep! And 
never 'get through.' This is the endless round from week 
to week, and from month to month. It is very wearing, 
and tells on a man. It has spoiled my handwriting, that 
was none too good before; and shall be very thankful if 
I come out safe at last. Nevertheless, after all, to-day, 
as I look back and consider, I am devoutly thankful to 
Almighty God for all that I do and all that I am. He 
has kept me and preserved me and guided me, and will 
yet uphold me by his power, now and forever ! 

"We have news to-day that Hood is moving, and he 
may give us some trouble; but, I am not alarmed. We 
are strong here against all contingencies; and the Rebs 
will melt away in the end. Thomas is very strong and 
persistent; and we shall come out all right. Have no 

33i3 



Jli 



Some Army Letters 

fears. You may have some squally news; but don't be 
alarmed. Trust in God, and keep your powder dry!" 

''Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's"" 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 3, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : We are all right here. Enemy within 
three miles; but we have plenty of men and everything 
else, and shall beat them to pieces if they dare attack our 
lines. Am very well, and very busy; and you must 
excuse for not waiting more." 

" Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's" 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 1 1, 1864. 

*'Dear Friends : * * * i have forgotten now, in the 
hurry of affairs here, whether I wrote you last Sunday or 
not ; but, at all events, I telegraphed you some time dur- 
ing the w^eek, that 'I was well and all right.' Did you get 
it? As you know. General Donaldson has been away; 
and having full charge of everything here, have been ex- 
ceedingly busy, and up till eleven and twelve o'clock at 
night, wdth scarcely an hour to call my own. It has so 
happened, however, that I have been very well and in 
splendid working condition ; and, altogether, have rather 
enjoyed the press and crush of business, than otherwise. 
Now, however, Donaldson is back again, and 'all goes 
merry as a marriage bell.' "^ * * 

"We are having great times here. No danger or any- 
thing of that sort ; but Hood pens us in here ; and we 
haven't much tried to prevent him, as yet. Our line of 
defense is a semi-circle, draw^n around the city, from the 

339 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Cumberland around to th^I^uniberland again, with the 
enemy's line one half or three quarters of a mile distant. 

"Our line is immensely strong, crowned with forts and 
bristling wnth cannon; and both ends of it covered by 
gunboats. The Rebs might as well butt their brains 
against the Rocky Mountains, as attempt to take it. Be- 
sides, our force is quite as numerous as theirs, if not more 
so; and if they don't 'skedaddle' soon, we shall have one 
of the 'biggest' fights you ever did see. 

''Just now% both armies are doing their best to keep 
warm. For three days we have had bitterly cold, winter 
weather; diversified with rain, hail, sleet, and snow. The 
troops on both sides must have suffered terribly. As a 
consequence, the beautiful woods and groves that sur- 
rounded Nashville on all sides, and made it one of the 
most lovely towns I ever saw, are all going remorselessly 
dozvn before the axes of the soldiers. We are getting in 
wood by the rail and river for the hospitals here; but the 
army beyond has to take care of itself. 

"Just imagine an army of fifty thousand men in tents, 
stretching from the Delaware, around by the toll-gate on 
Crosswicks Pike, and around to the river again, say by 
Cadwallader's or the Asylum, in bitter winter weather, 
when ice forms everywhere and no thaw even at noon. 
Think how the poor fellows would shake and shiver ; and 
then think how the trees would fly. Good-by, Linden 
Park! Good-by, Washington Grove! Good-by, State 
House Yard! The trees would go down everywhere, 
just as they are doing here; and it would take a century 
to replace them. Now imagine forty thousand or fifty 
thousand Rebs just beyond that line, a mile or so away ; 
and you may form some idea of how we are off here. Of 
course, the Rebs must have wood too ; and away it goes 
by the thousands of cord daily. If the Rebs coop us up 
here another fortnight, there won't be a tree left within 

340 



Some Army Letters 

five miles of Nashville. This is something awful, I 
know ; but it is war, and war knows no law or humanities, 
nothing but necessities. 

"Have no fears for us here. We are all right. We 
shall have a great battle in a day or two, as I think, and a 
great victory." * * * 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 1 6, 1864. 

"Dear Friends: I drop you a hasty line, merely to 
say I am well and things here are going well. The 
quartermaster department is in the trenches, some five 
thousand strong, holding the interior line of works from 
Battery 210 to Fort Morton. We have about six thou- 
sand troops cooperating with us. The rest are out in 
front, hotly engaging the enemy. 

*'We are fighting one of the greatest battles of the war, 
and of history. We massed our troops on the right yes- 
terday at daylight, the gunboats covering our right flank ; 
and soon after attacked vigorously. The Rebs resisted 
stoutly for a time ; but ultimately we broke through their 
left wing, and then took them in flank. Step by step we 
rolled their line back on itself ; and night ended with the 
loss of some twenty guns and two thousand prisoners on 
their side. This morning at daylight we advanced again, 
and found the Rebs had, during the night, abandoned 
their whole line of works. We pursued and brought them 
to bay some five miles off ; and again attacked fiercely. 

"As I write, the battle is still raging with great furv: 
but we have the best of reasons to suppose that night will 
close on a great victory. It is now 4 p. M. An hour 
ago, I returned from the front ; and am now writing you 

341 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

this in my headquarters t^, near the trenches. We were 
up all night, and expect to remain up again to-night. But 
this matters not, provided we win the fight ; as I think we 
are sure to do. Thank God! for his support thus far, 
and may he defend the right." 

'' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 1 8, 1864. 

"Dear Friends : Am very well ; but sadly tired out. 
Have been in the trenches and on the field of battle for 
three days and three nights, and can only say now that 
we have won a great and stunning victory that will carry 
joy to the loyal heart of the nation everywhere. You will 
already have seen everything in the papers. 

''Praise and thanks for a man like Thomas !" 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Dec. 26, 1864. 

"Dear Father and Friends : This is the day that you 

have set apart for Christmas, so A writes me. 

She asks me to come on and share it with you ; but I can't, 
and so have done the next best thing, to wit, have written 
a telegram, and sent that instead. Hope you got it in time 
for dinner ! 

"I can't come home just now. It looks as if I was on 
the eve of promotion. * * * General Donaldson himself 
has both written and talked to Quartermaster General 
Meigs; and the rank, T am confident, is .Sfoing to come. 
As the last effort in this direction, the Vice President- 
elect, Andrew Johnson, has written to the Secretary of 

War in my behalf. 

342 



Some Army Letters 

"I send you a copy of his letter for two reasons, first, 
that you may see that I have friends here; and second, 
as testimony to my standing in the army here. Andrew 
Johnson is not a man to say yes, when he means no; be- 
sides, he has now attained a position so exalted in the 
world, as second officer of the first nation on the earth, 
that his word will stand and be respected when the words 
of lesser men would be disregarded. * * * 

"If I fall in this war, the testimony of Andy Johnson 
will survive, and our children's children will respect and 
honor it.^ 

''We have been and are very busy here. As you know 
already, we whipped Hood thoroughly on the hills about 
Nashville; and are now chasing him swiftly 'Away down 
South in Dixie's Land!' But when we got started, we 
found a world of work to do, in the way of rebuilding 
the railroads, reconstructing bridges, forwarding sup- 
plies, etc. Yesterday was Christmas, and I was scarcely 
out of my office, Sunday and holiday combined though 
it was, until late at night. To-day, we are busy again ; 
but have deliberately run away from my office, and am 
now writing this in my private room. * * * 

"In all respects I am pleasantly situated, and could 
hardly ask for more, if I had my just rank. That ought 
to come shortly now. * * * I Hve very comfortably with 
General Donaldson and family, in their Secesh quarters; 
and am treated kindly by all I care anything about. In 
other words, I am doing my duty, before God and Abra- 
ham Lincoln ; and the country is taking care of me. 

"How long I shall stay here, I cannot tell. There is 
some talk of being ordered to Savannah, but I guess it 
is only talk." * * * 

* See Appendix, p. 392. 

343 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

*' Senior and Supervi«4g Quartermaster's' 
Office, 
Department of the Cumberland, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
Jan. I, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : Tolerably well, and to you all I wish 
*A Happy New Year !' " 

'' Nashville, Tenn. 1 
Jan. 9, 1865. J 

"Dear Friends: I am still here, with no prospect of 
getting away for a fortnight yet. Business opens up and 
enlarges, as one gets fairly at it ; and what I supposed a 
three weeks' job promises to extend to six! Such is life 
here!" * * * 

*' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Jan. 15, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : I am very well, but too busy to write 
much. Have got 'Quartermaster Department on the 
brain,' and not fit for anything else just now." 

*' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Feb. 5, 1865. 

"Dear Brother : Sunday has come around again. 

"Have received papers this week in considerable abun- 
dance from home, and have many thanks to somebody 
therefor; partly, I suppose, to you and partly to father. 
You are both very kind. * * * 

"Things are all changed around and mixed up here. 
A large portion of our troops have gone East:^ and a 

» Schofield. 

344 



Some Army Letters 

still larger portion gone down the Mississippi, I suppose 
to operate against Mobile. We haven't over thirty-five 
thousand men left just now. All this is contraband; 
but I say it to you here, so that you may be posted. The 
result, I apprehend, will be, that Donaldson and I will be 
ordered to Mobile or Savannah. * * * I am content." 

** Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's' 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

Feb. 19, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : Nothing new. Am very well, and in 
good spirits. Hope these lines will find you the same." 

** Senior and Supervising QuarteRxMaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

April 2, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : It is Sunday again. I don't think I 
wrote you last Sunday ; but if I didn't, I did a few days 
before, so it is just the same. Am sorry to say, I am not 
yet promoted; though I have definite information from 
Washington that the appointment has been ordered. If 
this is true, it will be along soon. 

"Have been much engaged for the past month. Gen- 
eral Donaldson has been away three weeks of the time, 
to Eastport, Knoxville, and Memphis on tours of inspec- 
tion ; and that has thrown all the work of the office on me. 
Too much for one man to do, though we keep eleven 
first-class clerks, and all busy. He got back Thursday 
last : but I am still weary, and considerably used up. * * * 

"The spring campaign is opening, and we have our 
hands full. Have just finished moving into East Ten- 
nessee, by rail, forty thousand men, with their artillery, 

345 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

equipage, wagons, animal^all complete. It was no 
child's play. It was two hundred miles; and took us 
twenty days. 1 watched the thing by telegraph, night 
and day ; and you may believe 1 was 'mighty' glad when 
the thing was all over, without a man hurt or a mule in- 
jured. It was a great tax on the brain, and I sleep better 
now it is done. I don't suppose we are going to have 
much fighting here; but if Lee wants to break through 
East Tennessee, and have a 'bout' with us, let him try it 
on! 

''As you have seen by the papers, Wilson is off 'on the 
rampage' from Eastport. He left with a force of cav- 
alry twelve thousand strong, for a general raid down 
through Mississippi and Alabama, to bring up at Mobile 
or perhaps Richmond, according to circumstances. What 
a bully time he will have ! We are glad he is off ; as he 
ate up a big pile of hay and grain every day, when here. 
Good luck to the bold riders, and God-speed them on their 
way!" 

*' Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

April 12, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : What grand good news we have had 
from all around ! Not a reverse for a year ! Petersburg 
captured, Richmond fallen, Lee surrendered! Why, it 
is almost too good to be true ! We have been very jolly 
here. Nothing but cannon flying, flags firing, and peo- 
ple hurrahing! I have made a mistake there, about the 
'Hying and Hring,^ but you know what I mean, so where's 
the difl^erence? 

"Am very busy, and must stop. Hurrah for the Union ! 
Hurrah ! and hurrah !" 

346 



Some Army Letters 



/ 



^/ 



Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's 

Office, 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

April 23, 1865. 

"Dear Friends at Home : Am tolerably well to-day, 
and in much better spirits than last Sunday. The dull 
weight and pressure of the assassination^ has worn off; 
and the natural spring of the American mind is bringing 
us all back again to the right tone and ring. 

''We had a considerable time here last Wednesday. I 
sent you a paper giving details. There was one very 
striking incident. One morning early there were found 
scattered all over the town, posted on the corners, and ly- 
ing in every doorway, little handbills, of which I send you 
a copy.^ It has the most suprising effect. The most 
pestilent and virulent Rebels hung out flags and draped 
their houses in mourning. Before 9 a. m. the whole 
town was shrouded in blackness ; and to-day there is not 
a shanty here, no matter how small, but has some piece of 
bunting or crape about it. 'Secesh' understands pretty 
well what 'Soldiers In Earnest' mean in this latitude, 
when the President lies murdered. If we should once 
start, we would clean this village out in less than no time; 
and Tennessee would know Nashville no more forever. 
What do you think of Andy Johnson by this time? 
Don't you think, as President, he has acquitted himself 
with dignity and ability, so far? You may depend upon 
it, he is a true and faithful American ; and woe be to the 



* President Lincoln's. 

a OUR COUNTRY MOURNS. 

A great and good^ man. the Chief Magistrate of our beloved country, has been assassin- 
ated by a fiend of this hellish rebellion. 

Those who do not desire to be regarded as in sympathy with this most foul crime, are 
respectfully requested to show to the contrary by nine o'clock on Monday morning. Let 
our national emblem, appropriately draped, betoken the nation's grief, not only from the 
dwellings and business places of its friends, but from those of its enemies also. 

Treason is death ; for we swear that persistent traitors shall be extirpated. 

SOLDIERS WHO ARE IN EARNEST. 



347 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

traitors he lays his heavy haM on ! He knows the rebel- 
lion all through. For hasn't he borne and suffered its 
multitudinous insults and indignities?" 

"Senior and Supervising Quartermaster's ' 

Office^ 

Department of the Cumberland, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

May 5, 1865. 

**Dear Father and Friends: It is done. The long 
agony is over, and to-day I am Colonel, to date from April 
29. No 'lieutenant colonelcy;' but full Colonel and In- 
spector of the quartermaster department, with headquar- 
ters at Washington. I hasten to tell you of the good 
news. * * * 

"But I have other good news. I have also just been de- 
tailed by the Secretary of War, as member of board to ex- 
amine all quartermasters south of the Ohio; and also, 
member of board to assemble in Washington, to revise the 
'Rules and Regulations of the Apny,' and prepare a 
'Manual of Instructions to Quartermasters.' These are 
both very flattering appointments; the latter especially. 
All the rest of the board are regulars." 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 

Department, 

Nashville, Tenn. 

May 14, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : I have only time to-night to say that I 
leave here in the morning for Chattanooga and Knoxville, 
on a tour of inspection. Am ordered by the quartermaster 
general to make an immediate inspection of all depots and 
posts in this department; and when that is completed, to 
report in Washington. It will take me probably a month ; 
after which you may expect to see me in Jersey. 

"Good-by, till I get back to Nashville." 

348 



Some Army Letters 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 
Department, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
May 25, 1865. 

"Dear Friends: I am here again, having got back 
from Chattanooga and Knoxville on Monday last, May 
22. I ought to have written you then ; but was busy and 
fagged out, and so did not. 

''Things are very quiet here now. The Rebels are sur- 
rendering and coming in by hundreds, every day. They 
are the most completely whipped and 'subjugated' set of 
men you ever did see. They will make more loyal and 
better citizens every way than the majority of your North- 
ern copperheads." 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 
Department, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
June 10, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : Am afraid I forgot to write you last 
Sunday, as is my wont ; and it is now Saturday. I have a 
good excuse, however; have been exceedingly busy, and 
have worked hard ; so as to get away from here as soon as 
possible. I still think I shall get home by the Fourth of 
July ; though I can't promise anything. Army life is very 
uncertain ; and men must do, not as they want to, but must 
'obey orders !' " 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 
Department, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
June 18, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : Am glad to say, I am very well again, 
and standing the terrific heat of this climate quite as well 
as could be expected. We have had a fearful week here ; 
but this afternoon God has sent us a thundershower, dissi- 

349 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

pating and purifying every^ng; and this evening, as I 
write, the air is again pure and balmy. 

"I have just concluded my long report on the Depart- 
ment of the Cumberland, covering two hundred pages of 
writing, besides as many more of tables, etc. ; and feel 
greatly relieved. It is in the hands of my clerks for 
copying, and will get off to Washington by Tuesday or 
Wednesday. Shall probably get orders by telegraph from 
Washington in a day or two ; and will write you more fully 
then, as to my future movements." 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 

Department, 

Naspiville, Tenn. 

June 25, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : I regret to find myself still here, 
though in daily expectation of leaving. My business is all 
closed up, and I have telegraphed to Washington for 
orders; but as yet am without any. Shall probably hear 
to-day or to-morrow ; and will write you further. 

"Since Tuesday have spent an idle week of it. It has 
been the laziest time I have had in two years ; and doesn't 
agree w^ith me. I would rather work than loaf any time ; 
and have worked so steadily for two years past that it 
seems my second nature now." 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster ^ 
Department,, 
Nashville, Tenn. 
July 2, 1865. 

"Dear Friends: Am just in receipt of orders to go to 
Chicago, 111., and investigate certain alleged frauds there. 
Shall be off to-morrow, and reach there probably Wednes- 
day. 

"Can't tell how long I shall be at Chicago ; but probably 
a week or two. Should like to hear from you there ; as I 

350 



Some Army Letters 

have not heard from home for a week or two. Please ad- 
dress as usual, 'care of Chief Quartermaster, Chicago, 111.' 
Will write you from there. 

"Am well and in good spirits ; and in a great hurry. 
Must get off quick." 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster ' 

Department, 

Chicago, III. 

July 6, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : Am here, safe ; and from present ap- 
pearances, shall be detained here for a fortnight to come. 
Had a hot and disagreeable ride here, from Nashville ; but 
here there is a cool and delightful breeze. 

"Am pleasantly located at the Tremont House, and re- 
ceive many attentions. Only I want to get home, and must 
get home soon." * * * 

"Office Inspector Quartermaster 
Department, 
Chicago, III. 
July 16, 1865. 

"Dear Brother: Yours of the nth is received. * * * 
Chicago has changed greatly since I was here six years 
ago. I hardly recognize it now, it has altered so. It is 
undoubtedly the greatest place out of New York ; and if I 
ever go West to locate, shall pitch my shanty here. 

"I have seen a good deal here. Have been introduced 
to the members of the Board of Trade, and treated hand- 
somely. Have met many of their bankers and business 
men. Have been driven out to Camp Douglas and Hyde 
Park. Have been shown the Tunnels. And, on the 
whole, think there is more brain and nerve about Chica- 
goans, than any equal number of men I have ever met.'* 
33 351 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Office Ins^ctor Quartermaster ^ 
Department, 
Chicago, III. 
July 23, 1865. 

"Dear Friends : At last, I have the long-looked-for or- 
der to come East. Am ordered to report in person at 
Washington, as soon as I get through v^ith my business 
here ^ ^ ^ 

"I expect to leave here, say, by Wednesday; and that 
ought to bring me to Washington by Friday. In that 
case, shall get home Saturday, or early in the following 
week. Should I be detained in Washington, will write or 
telegraph from there." 

"United States Hotel, Harrisburg, Pa. ) 
July 31, 1865. Monday morning. ) 

"Dear Friends : Instead of being with you this morn- 
ing, as I expected to, I am here at Harrisburg, on my way 
to Washington. Left Chicago Saturday at 5 p. m. (hav- 
ing been detained there), and arrived here at 3 a. m. to- 
day. Have to wait here, until 7.45 a. m. In the interval, 
have had two or three hours' sleep and taken breakfast, 
and now seize on a few minutes to drop you this. 

"I expect to reach Washington this afternoon ; and hope 
I shall not be detained there more than a day or two. At 
all events, expect me home by the close of the week. If 
anything turns up at Washington, to prevent this, will 
write or telegraph. My horses and most of my 'traps' are 
still at Nashville ; but have ordered them to Washington, 
and will bring them home soon." 

Immediately after this, I was granted a leave of absence 
and hastened home. This leave was afterward extended 
to November. Reporting for duty again, about Novem- 
ber 18, 1 was ordered West and South on a tour of inspec- 

352 



Some Army Letters 

tion, with a view to reduction of troops and war expenses. 
This took me to Chattanooga, Nashville, Louisville, 
Cairo, Memphis, Vicksburg, New Orleans, Mobile, At- 
lanta, Savannah, and Charleston ; and occupied me busily 
until July, 1866. 

Then I was ordered overland to the Pacific Coast and 
back via the Isthmus, on like duty; and did not reach 
Washington again until July, 1867. 

I wrote similar letters home during both of these years, 
but they were not well preserved; and, besides, the sub- 
stance of them the latter year (consisting of my overland 
observations and experiences) was published in a volume 
entitled. Across America, or the Great West and the Pa- 
cific Coast, in 1874, and it would be superfluous to reprint 
them here. Moreover, July, 1865, practically closed the 
war, and so naturally ends Men and Things I Saw in 
Civil War Days. 

For the above inspection duty, I received the brevet of 
Brigadier General United States Volunteers, to date from 
February 16, 1866; ''for faithful and meritorious services 
during the war." I was honorably mustered out Septem- 
ber 17, 1867; being the last of six like Inspectors quarter- 
master department, two regulars and four volunteers. 

353 



APPENDIX 



See page i8. 

From the issue of The Christian Advocate (New York), for Feb- 
ruary 27, 1896 : 

"In the year 1885 General James F. Rusling publicly related an 
account of an interview with President Lincoln at the sick bed of 
General Sickles. He had narrated this event to us at his table a 
number of years before, and we urged him to publish it; which, 
though he related it publicly in 1885, did not appear in print until 
October, 1891. It elicited some controversy, but the general in- 
formed us that General Sickles would undoubtedly remember it. 
We expressed the hope to him that in the series of war articles 
which he had contracted to furnish to The Christian Advocate he 
would give it in full. This promise he fulfilled ; for the first of that 
admirable series appeared in The Christian Advocate of August 25, 
1892, and the subject was "Abraham Lincoln." This is the account 
as given by General Rusling:" [Here follows the substance of 
pages 9 to 18, as given in said Advocate article.] 

"Some time afterward, supposing that as soon as General Rusling 
died, unbelievers, after their manner, would deny the whole story, 
we wrote to General Sickles and received from him a response under 
date of March 2, 1894, inclosing a copy of a note he had written to 
D. A Long, D.D., of Yellow Springs, Ohio: 

" ' House of Representatives, U. S. 
Washington, D. C, March 2, 1894. 
" 7. M. Buckley, D.D. 

" 'Dear Sir : Replying to your letter of the 24th ultimo, I have the 
pleasure to inclose a copy of a note sent to the Rev. D. A. Long to- 
day, replying to an inquiry identical with your own. I have been 
addressed so often on this subject that I am thinking seriously of 
having a reply stereotyped. 

" 'The Rev. Mr. Long asked permission to print my reply to his 
inquiry, to which I made no objection. 

" 'Sincerely yours, D. E. Sickles.* 

355 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

^ " 'March 2, 1894. 

" The Rev. D. A. Long, D.D., LUD., Yellow Springs, Ohio. 

'* 'Dear Sir : Replying to your letter of the twenty-second ultimo, 
inclosing a newspaper cutting containing General Rusling's narrative 
of a conversation between President Lincoln and myself, when he 
visited me in Washington, soon after the battle of Gettysburg, early 
in July, 1863, I can only say, after the lapse of so many years, that I 
recall the general purport of what was said without undertaking to 
verify expressions or words used. 

" 'General Rusling is a truthful, intelligent, and trustworthy gen- 
tleman; and I have no doubt that he has conscientiously given a 
faithful report of what took place according to his recollection. If 
I was sure that General Rusling made a memorandum of the conver- 
sation at the time it took place, I would indorse his statement un- 
hesitatingly ; but if written recently, and from recollection only, 
the narrative must be taken with some reservation as to phraseology 
at least. 

" 'My own impression is that President Lincoln expressed a de- 
vout confidence and trust in the success of the Union arms at Gettys- 
burg, prayerfully inspired ; and that he described his convictions in 
earnest and touching language, characteristic of him in grave 
moments. Sincerely yours, D. E. Sickles.' 

"This we sent immediately to General Rusling. 

"From General Rusling we received the following reply : 

" 'Trenton, N. J., March 10, 1894. 
" 'J. M. Buckley, D.D. 

" 'Dear Sir : In reply to yours of the eighth, I would say the 
conversation with President Lincoln and General Sickles took place 
July 5, 1863, precisely as narrated by me, but of course I do not 
pretend to give the exact phraseology. Doubtless it did not im- 
press General Sickles as much as me, because he was an intimate 
of President Lincoln's, and often saw and talked with him, and also 
because he was then greatly suffering from his amputation ; whereas 
it was my first full interview with President Lincoln, and naturally 
T studied him closely and all he said. Of course, I took no notes 
in his presence ; but I wrote a letter to my father the same day. 
He preserved the letter, and it is now in my possession. I re- 
peated the conversation to others immediately afterwards ; and have 
since told it hundreds of times in private conversation, but never 
publicly until 1885. I think you urged me to write it out and give it 
to the public ; but I am not positive. If you did not, many others did. 

" 'In the fall of 1885, after the death of General Grant, there were 
memorial services held at Ocean Grove, at which Dr. Stokes, Gen- 

356 



Appendix 

eral Fisk, and myself made addresses; and in my address I gave 
the facts. The address was printed and I have a copy of it. In the 
summer of 1891, while at Ocean Grove, I had a conversation relative 
to it with Willis Fletcher Johnson, associate editor of the New York 
Tribune, and he urged me to send it to the Tribune. Accordingly 
I wrote it out roughly at Ocean Grove, one leisure day there; and 
after coming home in September or October, 1891, I rewrote it care- 
fully and sent a copy to General Sickles for his consideration, re- 
questing him to alter or amend as he thought best from his own 
best recollection of the facts. He returned it to me without altering 
a word, and said that while he could not recall the specific words, 
he still remembered the interview and some general idea of the con- 
versation, and had no doubt my report was entirely correct. 

" 'In October, 1891, I had occasion to make an address before the 
Young Men's Christian Association here, and as a part of my re- 
marks read the whole paper, and submitted Mr. Lincoln to the young 
men as an example of a great Christian statesman. That same evening 
I happened to meet the editor of the State Gazette here, and he asked 
me about my address, and I told him the substance of it; including 
the Lincoln conversation, and the next morning he had a half column 
report in the Gazette concerning it, which presently went the rounds 
of the newspapers; and it now appears in Coffin's Life of Abraham 
Lincoln. In November, 1891, I sent it to Mr. Johnson, aforesaid, of 
the New York Tribune, and it appeared in full in the Tribune for 
November 29, 1891. I gave all the facts and circumstances and lan- 
guage there ipsissima verba, as nearly as I could possibly recollect; 
and that is as reliable as it is possible for the human mind to make 
anything. I gave his exact words to the best of my recollection; 
and I firmly believe they were his exact words in the main, and 
wholly his in substance. I had not any cause to do otherwise. 
I was moved only by a desire to fix what seemed to be an historic 
conversation that might be deemed of value in the future, and first 
and last I wrote the article three times before finally dispatching it 
to the Tribune, testing my recollection in every possible way. After- 
ward I condensed the statement and embodied it in my article on 
"Abraham Lincoln," which you printed in your Christian Advocate 
August 25, 1892. 

" 'I have omitted to state that in April, 1892, I had a personal con- 
versation with General Sickles about the matter at Jersey City 
during a reunion of the Second New Jersey Brigade there, and went 
over the conversation item by item; and while he could not, of 
course, remember the exact phraseology, yet he again said he well 
remembered the interview and conversation generally, and had no 
doubt of the correctness of my report. 

" 'Very truly your friend, James F. Rusling.' 

357 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"To our knowledge General Sickles, having refreshed his memory, 
recently on several occasions tol^gtie story himself in public, in par- 
ticular at the annual dinner of the Loyal Legion of Washington, on 
February 12, 1895. It was reported in The Press of Philadelphia for 
February 23 by the regular correspondent. At the request of some 
of the general's comrades the story was given to The Press corre- 
spondent for publication, as follows: 

" *I am getting to be a pretty old man, but before I die I want to 
tell of a meeting I had with President Lincoln shortly after the 
battle of Gettysburg. I desire to add it as a contribution to the 
memory of that grand man and as a refutation of the attempts to 
prove that Mr. Lincoln was not a firm believer in the Deity. I was 
brought to Washington badly wounded after the fight at Gettysburg. 
I was taken to rooms on F street, where Mr. Lincoln called on me 
very shortly after he learned of my arrival. I appreciated his visit 
very much, and it was one of the many evidences of his kind heart 
and sympathetic nature. After he had talked to me a few minutes 
in his kind, gentle way, I said to him : 

*' ' "Mr. President, what of the future? Will we eventually put 
down the rebellion and restore the Union?" 

" ' "Well, general," he said, "until recently I sometimes had serious 
doubts, but I have them no longer. A few days ago I felt as if I 
could not do more than I had done, and that the brave men in the 
army had struggled long and patriotically ; but success seemed as far 
away as in the beginning of the war. We had had our defeats as 
well as our victories, and the future looked gloomy. With this feel- 
ing weighing me down, I went to my closet, and on my knees I 
prayed to God for the success of our arms. I told Him from the 
depths of my soul how I had done all I could and all that human 
agency seemed capable of. I asked him if it was his will to grant a 
speedy and successful termination of the war. I prayed thus for 
hours ; and, general, the answer came. 

" * " When I arose from my knees all doubt had fled. I have from 
that hour had no fear of the result. We have won at Gettysburg. 
We have not yet had a word from Vicksburg; but, general, be pre- 
pared for great good news when it comes. All is right at Vicks- 
burg." 

" 'When Mr. Lincoln was about to leave he took my hand and 
said very tenderly : "General, you will get well." I replied : "I don't 
know about that; the doctors give me but little hope." In strong, 
earnest tones he replied : "I am a prophet to-day general, and I say 
that you will get well, and that we will have glorious news from 
Vicksburg." 

" 'Several of my staff officers were present at this interview, but 

358 



Appendix 

only one of them, General Rusling, of New Jersey, is still living. I 
relate this incident now because I want you all to know how the 
great and good Lincoln put his faith in God, the Ruler of the uni- 
verse.' 

"We have known General Rusling since his youth, spent some 
years at the same preparatory school with him, and few among our 
acquaintances have a verbal memory of such extraordinary reten- 
tiveness." 

Here is something more, of the same purport, from a conversation 
with President Lincoln in 1863, by Mr. Noah Brooks, afterwards 
editor of the Daily Advertiser, Newark, N. J. : 

"I should be the veriest shallow and conceited blockhead upon the 
footstool, if, in my discharge of the duties that are put upon me in 
this place, I should hope to get along without the wisdom that 
comes from God, and not from man." — Washington in Lincoln's 
Time, page 222. 

See page 30. 

Curiously, since writing the foregoing, I have discovered an al- 
lusion to some such order in his "Official Report of the Peninsula 
Campaign" (War Records, Vol. XI, Part i, page 60) ; and also in 
his Own Story, page 423. So, also in War Records, Vol. XI, 
Part 3, page 272, appears the following, also just discovered: 

"Headquarters Army of the Potomac. 
June 28, 1862. 

"It is a matter of vital importance that all the transportation of 
the army should, in the movement now taking place, be employed 
exclusively for the carrying of ammunition and subsistence. All tents 
and all articles not indispensable to the safety or maintenance of 
the troops must be abandoned and destroyed. A reasonable supply 
of hospital stores will be taken, and all the intrenching tools in the 
possession of the troops. All unnecessary officers' baggage will be 
left behind ; the sick and wounded that are not able to walk must 
necessarily be left. Every provision for their comfort must be made. 
Subsistence must be left and medical stores for their use in liberal 
quantities. Medical officers will be left in charge of the sick and 
wounded, and a sufficient number of attendants to supply the 
requisite care. They should be furnished with papers stating their 
character. It is enjoined upon commanders to lose no time in load- 
ing their wagons as required. 

359 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"The commanding general r^ps upon the cheerfulness and 
patience with which the sacrifice^emanded of officers and men for 
the short season only, it is hoped, will be borne. 
"By command of 

"Major General McClellan. 
"S. Williams, Assistant Adjutant General." 

This does not seem to be the same order, but may be. At all 
events, it is scary and stampeding enough. But my recollection is, 
the order I read was briefer and more as I have given it. 

See page 33. 

"I told you, as I have already told him (the President), that Mc- 
Clellan could not be depended on to co-operate with me, and that I 
was sure he would fail me." — Pope to Halleck. War Records, Vol. 
XII, Part 3, page 818. 

*T send you the last order from General Pope. * * * Wagons are 
rolling along rapidly to the rear, as if a mighty power was propelling 
them. * * * I hear they (Pope's army) are much demoralized and 
need some good troops to give them heart; and I think, head. We 
are working now to get behind Bull Run, and I presume will be 
there in a few days, if strategy don't use us up. The strategy is 
magnificent, and tactics in the inverse proportion. * * * I believe the 
enemy have a contempt for this Army of Virginia. I wish myself 
away from it, with all our old Army of the Potomac ; and so do our 
companions. * * * If you can get me away, please do so." — Porter 
to Burnside, August 27, War Records, Vol. XII, Part 3, page 700. 

"You will hear from us soon by way of Alexandria." — Porter to 
Halleck, August 28. Ibid., page 717. 

"I hope Mac is at work and we will soon get ordered out of this. It 
would seem from proper statements of the enemy, that he was wan- 
dering around loose; but I expect they know what they are doing, 
which is more than any one here or anywhere knows." — Porter to 
Halleck, August 29. Ibid., page 731. 

"When you contrast the policy I urge in my letter to the President 
[his presumptuous letter of July 7, 1862] with that of Congress and 
of Mr. Pope, you can readily agree with me, that there can be little 
confidence between the government and myself." — August 2. Mc- 
Clellan's Own Story, page 461. 

"I will issue to-morrow an order giving my comments on Mr. 
John Pope. I will strike square in the teeth of all his infamous 

360 



Appendix 

orders, and give directly the reverse instructions to my army." — 
August 8. Ibid., page 463. 

"I presume Pope is having his hands quite full to-day ; is probably 
being hard pressed by Jackson. I cannot help him." * * *— August 
II. Ibid., page 466. 

*7ust received a telegram from Halleck, stating Pope and Burn- 
side are very hard pressed; urging me to push forward reinforce- 
ments and to conie myself as soon as I possibly can. Shall put 
headquarters on board a vessel to-morrow morning, and probably go 
myself to-morrow afternoon." — Yorktown, August 21. Ibid., page 
470. 

In point of fact, he did not get off until August 23, 9.30 p. m., 
although he should have gone instantly, August 21, as a good soldier 
"obeying orders." 

"I am clear, that one of tv^^o courses should be adopted : First, to 
concentrate all our available forces to open communication with 
Pope. Second, to leave Pope to get out of his scrape, and at once 
use all our means to make the capital perfectly safe." — McClellan to 
Lincoln and Halleck, August 29, 2.45 p. m. Ibid., page 515. 

As if he wanted to desert and abandon Pope to capture or 
destruction ! To which he received the significant reply : 

"I think your first alternative, to wit, to concentrate all our avail- 
able forces to open communication with Pope, is the right one. * * * 
A. Lincoln." — August 29, 4.10 p. m. Ibid., page 515. 

See page 34. 

"Headquarters Army of the Potomac, 
Savage's Station. 
June 28, 1862, 12:20 A. M. 

"The Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War: I now know the 
full history of the day. * * * Our men did all that men could do, 
but they were overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers. * * * Had 
I twenty thousand or even ten thousand fresh troops to use to-mor- 
row, I could take Richmond; but I have not a man in reserve, and 
shall be glad to cover my retreati and save the material and personnel 
of the army. * * * I have lost this battle because my force was too 
small. 

"I again repeat, I am not responsible for this. * * * You must 

* He did not call it " strategic change of base " here ! 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

send me very large reinforceme|^ and send them at once. * * * 
I only wish to say to the President, that I think he is wrong in re- 
garding me as ungenerous, when I said my force was too weak. * * * 
The Government must and cannot hold me responsible for the re- 
sult. * ♦ * The Government has not sustained this army. * * * If 
I save this army now, I tell you plainly that I owe no thanks to you 
or to any other persons in Washington. 

"You have done your best to sacrifice this army. 

"G. B. McClellan." 

The foregoing is from McClellan' s Own Story, pages 424-5. 
Of the same purport is his telegram of June 25, to Secretary 
Stanton : 

''I incline to think Jackson (Stonewall) will attack my right and 
rear. The rebel force is stated at two hundred thousand, including 
Jackson and Beauregard. * * * 1 regret my great inferiority of 
numbers ; but feel I am in no way responsible for it, as I have not 
failed to represent repeatedly the necessity of reinforcements. I will 
do all a general can do (with this army), and if it is destroyed by 
overwhelming numbers, can at least die with it and share its fate." — 
McClellan's Own Story, page 393. 

Here is Mr. Lincoln's pathetic reply, June 26 (War Records, 
Vol. XI, Part 3, page 259) : 

"Your despatch of yesterday, suggesting the probability of your 
being overwhelmed by two hundred thousand, and talking of where 
the responsibility belongs, pains me very much. I give you all I 
can, and act on the presumption that you will do the best you can 
with what you have ; while you continue ungenerously, as I think, 
to assume that I could give you more if I would. I have omitted 
and shall omit no opportunity to send you reinforcements whenever 
I possibly can. A. Lincoln." 

Here also is Mr. Stanton's grave and dignified reply, not to the 
foregoing telegrams, indeed, but to the whole McClellan complaint 
(War Records, Vol. XIX, Part 2, pages 725-8) : 

"[Private and confidential.] 

Washington, May 18, 1862. 
"The Rev. Heman Dyer. 

"My Dear Friend: Yours of the sixteenth is welcomed as an evi- 
dence of the continued regard of one whose esteem I have always 
been anxious to possess. I have been very well aware of the 
calumnies busily circulated against me in New York and elsewhere, 

362 



Appendix 

respecting my relations to General McClellan; but am compelled, 
from public considerations, to withhold the proofs that would stamp 
the falsehood of the accusations and the base motives of the ac- 
cusers, who belong to two classes : First, plunderers, who have 
been driven from the department, where they were gorging millions ; 
second, scheming politicians, whose designs are endangered by an 
earnest, resolute, uncompromising prosecution of this war, as a war 
against rebels and traitors. 

''A brief statement of facts, an official record, which I can make 
to you confidentially, will be sufficient to satisfy yourself that your 
confidence in me has not been misplaced. 

"When I entered the Cabinet I was, and for months had been, the 
sincere and devoted friend of General McClellan ; and to support 
him, and, so far as I might, aid and assist him in bringing the war to 
a close, was a chief inducement for me to sacrifice my personal 
happiness to a sense of public duty. I had studied him earnestly, 
with an anxious desire to discover the military and patriotic virtue 
that might save the country; and if in any degree disappointed, I 
hoped on, and waited for time to develop. 

"I went into the Cabinet about the twentieth of January. On the 
twenty-seventh the President made his 'War Order, No. i,' requiring 
the Army of the Potomac to move. It is not necessary, or perhaps 
proper, to state all the causes that led to that order ; but it is enough 
to know that the Government was on the verge of bankruptcy, and, at 
the rate of expenditure, the armies must move or the Government 
perish. The twenty-second of February was the day fixed for the 
movement, and when it arrived there was no more sign of movement 
on the Potomac than there had been for three months before. Many, 
very many, earnest conversations I had held with General McClellan, 
to impress him with the absolute necessity of active operations, or 
that the Government would fail because of foreign intervention and 
enormous debt. 

"Between the twenty-second of February and the eighth of March, 
the President had again interfered; and a movement on Winchester 
and to clear the blockade of the Potomac was promised, commenced, 
and abandoned. The circumstances cannot at present be revealed. 

"On the sixth of March, the President again interfered, ordered 
the Army of the Potomac to be organized into army corps, and that 
operations should commence immediately. 

"Two lines of operations were open. First, moving directly on 
the enemy by Manassas, and forcing him back on Richmond, beating 
and destroying him by superior force; and all the time keeping the 
capital secure by being between it and the enemy. This was the plan 
favored by the President. The second plan was to transfer the 

363 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

troops by water to some point oq^e Lower Chesapeake, and thence 
advance on Richmond. This was General McClellan's plan. The 
President reluctantly yielded his own views, although they were sup- 
ported by some of the best military men in the country, and con- 
sented that the general should pursue his own plan. But, by a 
written order, he imposed the special condition that the army should 
not be moved without leaving a sufficient force in and around Wash- 
ington to make the capital perfectly secure against all danger; and 
that the force required should be determined by the judgment of all 
the commanders of the army corps. 

"In order to enable General McClellan to devote his whole energy 
to the movement of his own army (which was quite enough to tax 
the ability of the ablest commander in the world), he was relieved 
from the charge of the other military departments; it being supposed 
that their respective commanders were competent to direct the 
operations in their own departments. To enable General McClellan 
to transport his force, every means and power of the Government 
were placed at his disposal and unsparingly used. 

"When a large part of his force had been transferred to Fortress 
Monroe, and the whole of it about to go in a few days, information 
was given to me by various persons that there was great reason to 
fear that no adequate force had been left to defend the capital in 
case of a sudden attack ; that the enemy might detach a large force, 
and seize it at a time when it would be impossible for General Mc- 
Clellan to render any assistance. Serious alarm was expressed by 
many persons, and many warnings given me, which I could not 
neglect. I ordered a report of the force left to defend Washington. 
It was reported by the commander to be less than twenty thousand 
raw recruits, with not a single organized brigade ! A dash, like that 
made a short time before at Winchester, would at any time take the 
capital of the nation. The report of the force left to defend Wash- 
ington, and the order of the President, were referred to Major Gen- 
eral Hitchcock and Adjutant General Thomas to report: First, 
whether the President's orders had been complied with; second, 
whether the force left to defend the city was sufficient. 

"They reported in the negative on both points. These reports 
were submitted to the President, who also consulted General Totten, 
General Taylor, General Meigs, and General Ripley. They agreed 
in opinion that the capital was not safe. 

"The President then, by written order, directed me to retain one 
of the army corps for the defense of Washington, either Sumner's 
or McDowell's. As part of Sumner's corps had already embarked, 
I directed McDowell to remain with his command, and the reasons 
were approved by the President. 

364 



Appendix 

"Down to this period there had never been a shadow of difference 
between General McClellan and myself. It is true that I thought 
his plan of operations objectionable, as the most expensive, the 
most hazardous, and the most protracted that could have been 
chosen; but I was not a military man, and, while he was in com- 
mand, I would not interfere with his plan, and gave him every aid 
to execute it. But when the case assumed the form it had done by 
his disregard of the President's order, and by leaving the capital 
exposed to seizure by the enemy, I was bound to act; even if I had 
not been required by the specific written order of the President. 
Will any man question that such was my duty ? 

"When this order was communicated to General McClellan, it of 
course provoked his wrath, and the wrath of his friends was directed 
upon me, because I was the agent of its execution. If the force had 
gone forward, as he had designed, I believe that Washington would 
this day he in the hands of the rebels. Down to this point, more- 
over, there was never the slightest difference between the President 
and myself. But the entreaties of General McClellan induced the 
President to modify his order to the extent that Franklin's division 
(being part of McDowell's corps that had been retained) was de- 
tached and sent forward by boat to McClellan. This was against 
my judgment, because I thought the whole force of McDowell should 
be kept together and sent forward by land on the shortest route to 
Richmond, thus aiding McClellan, but at the same time covering and 
protecting Washington by keeping between it and the enemy. In 
this opinion Major General Hitchcock, General Meigs, and Adjutant 
General Thomas agreed. But the President was so anxious that 
General McClellan should have no cause of complaint, that he or- 
dered the force to be sent by water, although that route was then 
threatened by the Merrimac. I yielded my opinion to the President's 
order; but between him and me there has never been the slightest 
shadow since I entered the Cabinet. And, excepting the retention of 
the force under McDowell by the President's order, for the reasons 
mentioned, General McClellan has never made a request or expressed 
a wish that has not been promptly complied with, if in the power of 
the Government. To me, personally, he has repeatedly expressed 
his confidence and his thanks in the dispatches sent me. 

"Now, one word as to political motives. What motive can I have 
to thwart General McClellan? I am not now, never have been, 
and never will be a candidate for any office. I hold my present post 
at the request of a President who knew me personally, but to whom 
I had not spoken from the fourth of March, 1861, until the day he 
handed me my commission. I knew that everything I cherished and 
held dear would be sacrificed by accepting office. But I thought I 

365 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

might help to save the country, ^y^ for that I was willing to perish. 
If I wanted to be a politician or a candidate for any office, would 
I stand between the Treasury and the robbers that are howling 
around me? Would I provoke and stand against the whole news- 
paper gang in this country, of every part, who, to sell news, would 
imperil a battle? / was never taken for a fool, but there could be 
no greater madness than for a man to encounter what I do for any- 
thing else than motives that overleap time and look forward to 
eternity. I believe that God Almighty founded this Government, 
and for my acts in the effort to maintain it I expect to stand before 
Him in judgment. 

"You will pardon this long explanation, which has been made to 
no one else. It is due to you, who was my friend when I was a poor 
boy at school, and had no claim upon your confidence and kindness. 
It cannot be made public for obvious reasons. General McClellan is 
at the head of our chief army; he must have every confidence and 
support; and I am willing that the whole world should revile me 
rather than diminish one grain of the strength needed to conquer the 
rebels. In a struggle like this, justice or credit to individuals is but 
dust in the balance. Desiring no office nor honor, and anxious only 
for the peace and quiet of my home, I suffer no inconvenience be- 
yond that which arises from the trouble and anxiety suffered by 
worthy friends like yourself, who are naturally disturbed by the 
clamors and calumny of those whose interest or feeling is hostile 
to me. 

"The official records will, at the proper time, fully prove— 

"i — That / have employed the whole powef of the Government 
unsparingly to support General McClellan's operations in preference 
to every other general. 

"2— That I have not interfered with or thwarted them in any par- 
ticular. 

"3 — That the force retained from his expedition was not needed 
and could not have been employed by him; that it was retained by 
express orders of the President, upon military investigation, and 
upon the best military advice in the country; that its retention was re- 
quired to save the capital from the danger to which it was exposed by 
a disregard of the President's positive order of the sixth of March. 

"4— That between the President and myself there has never been 
any, the slightest, shadow of difference upon any point ; save the de- 
tachment of Franklin's force, and that was a point of no significance, 
but in which I was sustained by Generals Hitchcock, Meigs, Thomas, 
and Ripley; while the President yielded only to an anxious desire 
to avoid complaint, declaring at the same time his belief that the 
force was not needed by General McClellan. 

366 



Appendix 

"You will, of course, regard this explanation as being in the 
strictest confidence, designed only for your information upon mat- 
ters wherein you express concern for me. The confidence of your- 
self, and men like you, is more than a full equivalent for all the 
railing that has been or can be expressed against me; and in the 
magnitude of the cause all merely individual questions are swal- 
lowed up. 

"I shall always rejoice to hear from you, and am, as ever, 

"Truly yours, Edwin M. Stanton." 

This sums up the whole business, and reads like a mastiff answer- 
ing a poodle or a whiffet. 

Read also the following choice extracts from McCIellan's Own 
Story: 

"Don't worry about the wretches [in Washington]. * * * I am sure 
I will win in the end, in spite of all their rascality. * * * History 
will present a sad record of these traitors, who are willing to sacri- 
fice the country and its army." — McCIellan's Own Story, page 310. 

"I do not know what paltry trick the Administration will play 
next." — ^July lo, 1862. Ibid., page 446. 

"I have no faith in the Administration." — July 13, 1862. Ibid., 
page 447. 

"So you like my letter to the President? [his extraordinary letter 
of July 7, 1862, in which he presumed to dictate to Mr. Lincoln how 
he should carry on the war, without abolishing slavery or hurting 
the rebels much, etc.] You do not feel one bit more bitterly towards 
those people than I do. I do not say much about it, but I fear they 
[the Administration] have done all that cowardice and folly can do 
to ruin our poor country." — July 17, 1862. Ibid., page 449, 

"If our dear Government will show some faint indication of 
brains or courage, we can finish the work in a short time." — July 18, 
1862. Ibid., page 450. 

"I owe no gratitude to any one but my own soldiers here; none to 
the Government or to the country. * * * They are my debtors, not 
I theirs." — Ibid., pages 450-51. 

"Marcy and I have just been discussing people in Washington, 
and conclude that they are 'a mighty trifling set.' * * * I begin to 
believe that they wish this army to be destroyed." — July 31, 1862. 
Ibid., page 460. 

24 367 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

And then, after wasting a mondiat Harrison's Landing, and doing 
nothing there as usual, when Mr. Lincoln in sheer despair ordered 
him back to Alexandria, he wrote (in disobedience of said orders) : 

"I hope to be ready to-morrow afternoon to move forivard in the 
direction of Richmond. I will try to catch or thrash Longstreet 
[much he would have thrashed Longstreet!] ; and then, if the chance 
offers, follow him to Richmond, while they are lamming away at 
Pope. It is in some respects a desperate step, but * * * I would 
rather even be defeated than retreat without an effort to relieve 
Washington. * * * If I fail, why, well and good, I will fall back. * * * 
I half apprehend they will be too quick for me in Washington, 
and relieve me before I have the chance of making the dash. * * * 
I am satisfied that the dolts in Washington are bent on my destruc- 
tion, if it is possible for them to accomplish it." — August lo, 1862. 
Ibid., page 465. 

Of course, he never did it ! Catch "Little Mac" doing any such 
aggressive thing ! But here was proposed "disobedience of orders," 
and how could he record it deliberately, nearly a quarter of a century 
afterwards? 

It is true, part of the above are from his private letters to Mrs. 
McClellan. But they show his animus in 1862, and what language 
for a Major General commanding our chief Union army! 

General Lew Wallace (author of Ben Hur) in a recent speech 
(February 12, 1898) accuses McClellan of an intention to surrender 
to Lee; but his only evidence seems to be in a gloomy remark of 
President Lincoln, in July, 1862, after our arrival at James River, 
when he said to Wallace one day in Washington : "I must go to 
Harrison's Landing to keep McClellan from surrendering the army." 
I give this for what it is worth; but it seems to be only a fear or 
suspicion of Mr. Lincoln's at the utmost. 

See page 74. 

Said Mr. Lincoln, in a characteristic letter to General Halleck, 
urging action by the Army of the Potomac : 

"General Meade estimates the enemy in front of him at not less 
than forty thousand. Suppose, stretching as far back as Richmond 
and including everything, his whole force is sixty thousand ; General 
Meade, as shown by his returns, has with him and between him and 
Washington * * * over ninety thousand. Neither can bring the whole 

368 



Appendix 

into battle, but each can bring as large a percentage as the other. 
For a battle, then General Meade has three men to General Lee's 
two. * * * If the enemy's sixty thousand are sufficient to keep our 
ninety thousand away from Richmond ; why, by the same rule, may 
not forty thousand of ours keep their sixty thousand away from 
Washington, leaving us fifty thousand to put to some other use? * * * 
With no object, certainly, to mislead myself, I can perceive no fault 
in this statement, unless we admit we are not the equal of the 
enemy, man for man." — War Records, Vol. XXIX, Part 2, page 207. 

See page 55. 

I think the letters of General Lee, relating to General Kearny, his 
sword, horse, etc., so touching and striking, and so honorable to 
both, that I append them here {War Records, Vol. XII, Part 3, 
page 807) : 

" Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, ) 
September 2, 1862. \ 

**Major General John Pope, United States Army. 

"Sir : The body of General Philip Kearny was brought from the 
field last night, and he was reported dead. I send it forward under 
a flag of truce, thinking the possession of his remains may be a 
consolation to his family. 

"I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, General." 
From the War Records, Vol. XIX, Part 2, page 645 : 



1 



"Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

Camp near Winchester, Va. 

October 4, 1862. Received October 7, 1862. 

"The Hon. George W. Randolph, 

"Secretary of War, Richmond, Va. 

"Sir: Mrs. Phil Kearny has applied for the sword and horse of 
Major General Phil Kearny, which were captured at the time that 
officer was killed, near Chantilly. The horse and saddle have been 
turned over to the quartermaster of the army, and the sword to the 
chief of ordnance. I would send them at once, as an evidence of 
the sympathy felt for her bereavement, and as a testimony of the 
appreciation of a gallant soldier ; but I have looked upon such 
articles as public property, and that I had no right to dispose of them, 
except for the benefit of the service. In this case, however, I 
should like to depart from this rule, provided it is not considered 

369 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

improper by the department ; ^^ I therefore refer the matter for 
your decision. An early reply is requested. 

"I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, General." 

(Indorsement.) 

"October 8, 1862. 
"The return of the horse and sword is authorized. 

"G. W. Randolph." 
From the IVar Records, Vol. XIX, Part 2, page 381 : 



" Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia. ) 
October 4, 1862. ( 

"Major General George B. McClellan, 
"Commanding Army of the Potomac. 

"General: I have the honor to inclose a letter to Mrs. Philip 
Kearny, and at the same time commit to your care the sword, horse, 
and saddle of Major General Kearny; which fell into our hands at 
the time of his death. Mrs. Kearny expressed a great desire to ob- 
tain the sword and horse of her husband, and I beg leave to hope 
that it may be convenient to you to forward them to her. 

"The horse has accompanied the march of the army since its cap- 
ture, and may have suffered from the journey. The bridle was 
either lost at the time of the capture or has not been recovered. 
"I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, General Commanding." 

From the War Records, Vol. XIX, Part 2, page 384 : 



"Headquarters Army of the Potomac. ) 
October 5, 1862. J 

"General R. E. Lee, 

"Commanding Army of Northern Virginia. 
"General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the fourth instant, inclosing a letter to Mrs. Philip Kearny ; 
and, at the same time, committing to my care the sword, horse, and 
saddle of Major General Kearny, to the end that, in accordance with 
the expressed wish of Mrs. Kearny, they may be placed in her keep- 
ing. The articles have been received and, with the letter, will be 
forwarded to Mrs. Kearny by the earliest opportunity. I beg you to 
accept my thanks for your courteous and humane attention to the 
request of the widow of this lamented officer. I shall be happy to 

370 



Appendix 

reciprocate the courtesy when circumstances shall place it in my 
power to do so. 
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"George B. McClellan, Major General Commanding." 

The last sentence in General McClellan' s letter seems unfortunate. 
But, of course, he meant it all right. 

See page 105. 

Here is another estimate of Thomas, that accords with mine, 
and is well worth reading : 

"Man was never born more true. He was essentially cast in a 
large mould, in mind and body; so modest that he shrank from 
command, for which he is peculiarly fitted; with courage of the 
stamp that ignores self; possessing steadfastness in greater measure 
than audacity, he yet lacked none of that ability which can deal 
heavy blows; while no antagonist was ever able to shake his foot- 
hold. Honesty in thought, word, and deed, was constitutional with 
him. A thorough military training, added to a passionate love of 
his profession and great natural powers, made him the peer of any 
soldier. Uniformly successful in all he undertook, from Mill Spring 
to Nashville, he has left a memorable name and an untarnished repu- 
tation. He perhaps falls as little short of the model soldier, as any 
man produced by this country." — Dodge's Civil War, page 301. 

See page 104. 

Prior to the battle both Halleck and Grant had complained of 
Thomas. But now congratulations and compliments rained in upon 
him from all quarters, as follows (War Records, Vol. XLV, Part 
2, pages 195, 210, 230, and 471) : 

"War Department, Washington, ) 
December 15, 1864, 12 midnight. ( 
"Major General Thomas, 
"Nashville: 
"I rejoice in tendering to you and the gallant officers and soldiers 
of your command the thanks of this Department for the brilliant 
achievements of this day; and hope that it is the harbinger of a de- 
cisive victory, that will crown you and your army with honor and do 
much toward closing the war. We shall give you a hundred guns in 
the morning. 

"Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War." 

371 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

^j> "Washington, D. C, > 

December 15, 1864, 11 145 p. m. > 
"Major General Thomas, 
''Nashville, Tenn. : 
"Your dispatch of this evening just received. I congratulate you 
and the army under your command for to-day's operations, and feel 
a conviction that to-morrow vi^ill add more fruits to your victory. 

"U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General." 

"Washington, D. C., ) 

December 16, 1864. Sent 11:25 a. m. ) 
"Major General Thomas, 
"Nashville, Tenn. : 
"Please accept for yourself, officers, and men the nation's thanks 
for your good work of yesterday. You made a magnificent begin- 
ning. A grand consummation is within your easy reach. Do not 
let it slip. A. Lincoln." 

"Headquarters xA.rmy of the Potomac, ) 
December 17, 1864, 6:30 p. m. Sent 6:40 p. m. S 

"Hon. E. M. Stanton: 

"I congratulate the President, yourself, and the country on the 
glorious victory achieved by Major General Thomas and the troops 
under his command. I have directed a salute of one hundred guns 
to be fired to-morrow at sunrise in honor of this brilliant triumph, 

"George G. Meade, Major General Commanding." 

"Headquarters Army of the Shenandoah, ) 
December 17, 1864. Received on the eighteenth. ) 

"Major General G. H. Thomas : 

"The Army of the Shenandoah, through me, send their hearty con- 
gratulations to yourself and army for the brilliant victory at Nash- 
ville on the fifteenth and sixteenth instant. We have given you two 
hundred guns and much cheering. 

"P. H. Sheridan, Major General Commanding." 

"Clarksville, ) 
December 17, 1864. ) 
"Major General G. H. Thomas : 

"I have the honor to acknowledge receiving, and to thank you for 
the early telegraphic copy of, your admirable official report to the 
President of your great and glorious victory over the enemy of our 
country and of mankind on the fifteenth and sixteenth instant. I am 

372 



Appendix 

deeply impressed with the belief that our whole country will now or 
hereafter appreciate the generalship, statesmanship, and patriotism 
of your campaign, resulting in the signal defeat of General Hood's 
army, in which centered the strength and hopes of half the rebellion ; 
with little loss, under great difficulties, and with probably political 
consequences and more important than have followed previous 
achievements of the war. Permit me on this occasion to express my 
humble admiration of your distinguished public services, which 
evince all the high qualities of virtue, patriotism, and ability, charac- 
teristic of our first great countryman. 

"Respectfully and faithfully yours, 

"S. P. Lee, Acting Rear Admiral, 
"Commanding Mississippi Squadron." 

"Nashville, ) 
January i, 1865. ) 

"Major General George H. Thomas: 

"The effect of the great victory over Hood's army at Nashville 
is being seen and felt in every part of the State ; its withering influ- 
ence upon rebels is more decided than anything which has transpired 
since the beginning of the rebellion. * * * It is not necessary for me 
to say that you have a nation's gratitude for what you have done in 
preserving the Government of the United States ; but my prayer is 
that all your future efforts in the preservation of the Union may be, 
as the past has been, crowned with success and unfading honor. 

"Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of Tennessee." 

See page 104. 

Notwithstanding all Thomas had done, and was still doing, in spite 
of wind and weather, to smite Hood and destroy his army, Halleck 
(who had never done anything in the field himself) sent him this 
ungracious and tyicalled-for telegram (War Records, Vol. XLV, 
Part 2, page 295) : 

"Washington, ) 

December 21, 1864, 12 m. (Via Nashville, Tenn.) ) 

"Major General Thomas : 

"Permit me, general, to urge the vast importance of a hot pur- 
suit of Hood's army. Every possible sacrifice should be made, and 
your men for a few days will submit to any hardship and privation 
to accomplish the great result. If you can capture or destroy 
Hood's army, Sherman can entirely crush out the rebel military 

373 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

force in all the Southern States. He begins a new campaign 
about the first of January, which 4IPill have the most important re- 
sults, if Hood's army can now be used up. A most vigorous pursuit 
on your part is, therefore, of vital importance to Sherman's plans. 
No sacrifice must be spared to attain so important an object. 

"H. W. Halleck, Major General and Chief of Stafif." 

To which Thomas promptly made this crushing reply (Ibid., 
pages 295, 296) : 

"Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, ) 
In the Field, December 21, 1864. ) 

"Major General H. W. Halleck, 
"Washington, D. C. : 

"Your dispatch of 12 m. this day is received. General Hood'j 
army is being pursued as rapidly and as vigorously as it is possible 
for one army to pursue another. We cannot control the elements, 
and, you must remember, that to resist Hood's advance into Ten- 
nessee I had to reorganize and almost thoroughly equip the force 
now under my command. I fought the battles of the fifteenth and 
sixteenth instant with the troops but partially equipped; and, not- 
withstanding the inclemency of the weather and the partial equip- 
ment, have been enabled to drive the enemy beyond Duck River; 
crossing two streams with my troops, and driving the enemy from 
position to position, without the aid of pontoons, and with but little 
transportation to bring up supplies of provisions and ammunition. 1 
am doing all in my power to crush Hood's army, and, if it be pos- 
sible, will destroy it ; but pursuing an enemy through an exhausted 
country, over mud roads, completely sogged with heavy rains, is no 
child's play, and cannot be accomplished as quickly as thought of. 

"I hope, in urging me to push the enemy, the Department remem- 
bers that General Sherman took with him the complete organizations 
of the military division of the Mississippi, well equipped in every 
respect as regards ammunition, supplies, and transportation; leaving 
me only two corps, partially stripped of their transportation, to ac- 
commodate the force taken with him, to oppose the advance into 
Tennessee of that army which had resisted the advance of the army 
of the military division of the Mississippi on Atlanta, from the com- 
mencement of the campaign until its close, and which is now, in ad- 
dition, aided by Forrest's cavalry. Although my progress may 
appear slow, I feel assured that Hood's army can be driven from 
Tennessee, and eventually driven to the wall, by the force under my 
command ; but too much must not be expected of troops which have 
to be reorganized, especially when they have the task of destroying 

374 



Appendix 

a force in a winter campaign which was able to make an obstinate 
resistance to twice its number in spring and summer. In conclu- 
sion, I can safely state that this army is willing to submit to any 
sacrifice to oust Hood's army, or to strike any other blow which 
would contribute to the destruction of the rebellion. 

"George H. Thomas, Major General." 



Halleck had blundered, as usual ; and now Stanton and Grant took 
a hand, as follows (Ibid., page 307) : 

"War Department, Washington. 
December 22, 1864, 9 p. m. 
"Major General Thomas, 
"In the Field : 
"I have seen to-day General Halleck' s dispatch of yesterday and 
your reply. It is proper for me to assure you that this Department 
has the most unbounded confidence in your skill, vigor, and deter- 
mination to employ to the best advantage all the means in your 
power to pursue and destroy the enemy. No Department could be 
inspired with more profound admiration and thankfulness for the 
great deeds you have already performed, or more confiding faith 
that human effort could accomplish no more than will be done by 
you and the gallant officers and soldiers of your command. 

"Edwin M, Stanton, Secretary of War." 



J 



"City Point, Va. 
December 22, 1864. 
"Major General Thomas, 
"Nashville, Tenn. : 

"You have the congratulations of the public for the energy with 
which you are pushing Hood. I hope you will succeed in reaching 
his pontoon bridge at Tuscumbia before he gets there. Should you 
do it, it looks to me that Hood is cut off. If you succeed in destroy- 
ing Hood's army, there will be but one army left to the so-called 
Confederacy capable of doing us harm. I will take care of that and 
try to draw the sting from it. so that in the spring we shall have easy 
sailing. You now have a big opportunity, which I know you are 
availing yourself of. Let us push and do all we can before the 
enemy can derive benefit either from the raising of negro troops or 
the concentration of white troops now in the field. 

"U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General." 

375 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Here is Thomas's grateful acknowledgment (Ibid., page 319) : 

' Columbia, Tenn., n 

December 23, 1864, 8 p. m. Received i a. m. ( 
on the twenty-fifth. ) 

"Hon. E. M. Stanton, 

"Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : 

"Your two dispatches of 9 p. m., twenty-second instant are re- 
ceived. I am profoundly thankful for the hearty expression of your 
confidence in my determination and desire to do all in my power to 
destroy the enemy and put down the rebellion; and, in the name of 
this army, I thank you for the complimentary notice you have taken 
of all connected with it for the deeds of valor they have per- 
formed. * * * 

"George H. Thomas, 
"Major General United States Volunteers Commanding." 

But here was something more to the purpose (Ibid., pages 318, 328, 
and 329) : 

"City Point, Va., ) 
December 23, 1864, 6 p. m. > 
"Hon. E. M. Stanton, 
"Secretary of War: 

"I think it would be appropriate now to confer on General Thomas 
the vacant major generalcy in the regular Army, He seems to be 
pushing Hood with energy; and I doubt not but he will completely 
destroy that army. 

"U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General." 

"War Department, Washington, ) 

December 24, 1864, 3:18 p. m. (Via Nashville, Tenn.) ) 

"Major General George H. Thomas, 

"Headquarters Department of the Cumberland : 

"With great pleasure I inform you that for your skill, courage, and 
conduct in the recent brilliant military operations under your com- 
mand, the President has directed your nomination to be sent to the 
Senate as a major general in the United States Army, to fill the only 
vacancy existing in that grade. No official duty has been performed 
by me with more satisfaction, and no commander has more justly 
earned promotion by devoted, disinterested, and valuable service to 
his country. 

Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War." 

376 



I 



Appendix 

And here is Thomas's manly answer (Ibid., page 342) : 

"Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, 
McKane's Church, Pulaski Road, 
December 25, 1864, 8 a. m. (Received 6 p. m.) 

"The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, 

"Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : 
"I am profoundly sensible of your kind expressions in your tele- 
gram of December 24, informing me that the President had directed 
my name to be sent to the Senate for confirmation as major general, 
United States Army, and I beg to assure the President and yourself 
that your appreciation of my services is of more value to me than the 
commission itself. 

"George H. Thomas, 
"Major General United States Volunteers Commanding." 

And here was something more (War Records, Vol. XLV, Part i, 
page 51): 

"Public Resolution, No. 24. — Joint Resolution of thanks to 
Major General George H. Thomas and to the army under his com- 
mand: 

"Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the 
thanks of Congress are due, and are hereby tendered, to Major Gen- 
eral George H. Thomas and the officers and soldiers under his com- 
mand for their skill and dauntless courage, by which the rebel army 
under General Hood was signally defeated and driven from the State 
of Tennessee. 

"Approved March 3, 1865." 

Afterwards he learned of the Logan incident (to relieve him at 
Nashville, etc.) ; and here is how he felt about it, and justly so 
(War Records, Vol. XLV, Part 2, page 561) : 



rN., > 



"Chief Quartermaster's Office, 
"Department of the Cumberland, Nashville, Ten] 
January 10, 1865. 

"Major-General M. C. Meigs, 

"Quartermaster-General, Washington. 
"Dear General : * * * Thomas left yesterday for Eastport. where 
he is concentrating. I saw him on board, and he opened his heart to 
me. He feels very sore at the rumored intentions to relieve him 

377 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

(by Logan), and the major genera^ does not cicatrize the wound. 
You know Thomas is morbidly sensitive, and it cut him to the heart 
to think that it was contemplated to remove him. He does not blame 
the Secretary, for he said Mr. Stanton was a fair and just man. * * * 

"Very truly yours, 
*7- L- Donaldson, Chief Quartermaster." 

He did not then know that Schofield (his subordinate) had also 
been ordered to relieve him, nor did he learn of this until years after- 
ward; and then it broke his heart, or seemed to. For soon after- 
ward he was found dead, in his quarters at San Francisco, with his 
records and order-books around him, writing a vindication of his 
Nashville campaign. 

Here is his congratulatory order to his army, at the close of the 
campaign. This chapter would not be complete without it {War 
Records, Vol. XLV, Part i, pages 50, 51) : 

"General Orders, 
"No. 169. 

"Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, \ 

Pulaski, Tenn., > 

December 29, 1864. ) 

"Soldiers : The major general commanding announces to you 
that the rear guard of the flying and dispirited enemy was driven 
across the Tennessee River on the night of the twenty-seventh in- 
stant. The impassable state of the roads and consequent impossi- 
bility to supply the army compels a closing of the campaign for the 
present. 

"Although short, it has been brilliant in its achievements and un- 
surpassed in its results by any other of this war, and is one of which 
all who participated therein may be justly proud. That veteran rebel 
army which, though driven from position to position, opposed a 
stubborn resistance to much superior numbers during the whole of 
the Atlanta campaign ; taking advantage of the absence of the largest 
portion of the army which had been opposed to it in Georgia, invaded 
Tennessee, buoyant with hope, expecting Nashville, Murfreesbor- 
ough, and the whole of Tennessee and Kentucky to fall into its 
power an easy prey, and scarcely fixing a limit to its conquests ; after 
having received the most terrible check at Franklin, on the thirtieth 
of November, that any army has received during this war, and later 
met with a signal repulse from the brave garrison of Murfreesbor- 
ough in its attempt to capture that place ; was finally attacked at 

37S 



Appendix 

Nashville, and, although your forces were inferior to it in numbers, 
it was hurled back from the coveted prize upon which it had only 
been permitted to look from a distance; and finally sent flying, 
dismayed and disordered, whence it came; impelled by the instinct 
of self-preservation, and thinking only how it could relieve itself for 
short intervals from your persistent and harassing pursuits by burn- 
ing the bridges over swollen streams as it passed them ; until finally 
it had placed the broad waters of the Tennessee River between you 
and its shattered, diminished, and discomfited columns; leaving its 
artillery and battle-flags in your victorious hands, lasting trophies of 
your noble daring and lasting mementoes of the enemy's disgrace and 
defeat. 

"You have diminished the forces of the rebel army, since it crossed 
the Tennessee River to invade the State, at the least estimate, fifteen 
thousand men ; among whom were killed, wounded, or captured 
eighteen general officers. 

"Your captures from the enemy, as far as reported, amount to 
sixty-eight pieces of artillery, ten thousand prisoners, as many stand 
of small arms, several thousand of which have been gathered in, and 
the remainder strew the route of the enemy's retreat, and between 
thirty and forty flags; besides compelling him to destroy much am- 
munition and abandon many wagons ; and, unless he is mad, he must 
forever relinquish all hope of bringing Tennessee again within the 
lines of the accursed rebellion. * * * 

"By command of Major General Thomas, 

"William D. Whipple, Assistant Adjutant General." 

Here is Mr. Lincoln's comment on Hood, and one of his best 
stories : 

"Out in Illinois, in my country, there was a certain rough, rude, 
and bullying man, who had a bulldog, which was as rough, rude, and 
bullying as his master. Dog and man were the terror of the neigh- 
borhood. Nobody dared to touch either for fear of the other. But 
a crafty neighbor laid a plan to dispose of the dog. Seeing Slocum 
plodding along the road one day, his dog a little ahead, this neighbor 
took from his pocket a chunk of meat, in which he had concealed a 
big charge of powder, to which he had fastened a Deadwood slow- 
match. This he lighted, and then threw all into the road. The dog 
gave one gulp at it. and the whole thing disappeared down his throat. 
He trotted on a few steps, when there was a sort of smothered roar, 
and the dog blew up in fragments — a forequarter lodging in a neigh- 
boring tree, a hindquarter on the roof of a cabin, his head in one 
place, his tail in another, and the rest scattered along the dusty road. 

379 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Slocum came up and 'viewed the jpsnains.' Then, more in sorrow 
than in anger, he said: 'Bill was a good dog; but, as a dog, I reckon 
his usefulness is over !' 

"Hood's army was a good army," the President added, with a 
twinkle of his eye. "We have been very much afraid of it. But, as 
an army, I reckon, its usefulness is gone!" — Brooke's IVashington in 
Lincoln's Time, page 293. 

See page 108. 

The whole letter is so patriotic and characteristic, that I quote it 
here entire (from Sherman's Memoirs, Vol. I, page 155) : 

"Louisiana State Seminary of Learning \ 

AND Military Academy, > 

January 18, 1861. ) 

"Governor Thomas O. Moore, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. 

"Sir: As I occupy a quasi-military position under the laws of the 
State, I deem it proper to acquaint you that I accepted such position 
when Louisiana was a State in the Union, and when the motto of 
this seminary was inserted in marble over the main door, 'By the 
liberality of the General Government of the United States. The 
Union — esto perpetua.' 

"Recent events foreshadow a great change and it becomes all men 
to choose. If Louisiana withdraw from the Federal Union, I prefer 
to maintain my allegiance to the Constitution, as long as a fragment 
of it survives ; and my longer stay here would be wrong, in every 
sense of the word. 

"In that event, I beg you will send or appoint some authorized 
agent to take charge of the arms and munitions of war belonging to 
the State, or advise me what disposition to make of them. 

"And, furthermore, as president of the board of supervisors, I beg 
you to take immediate steps to relieve me as superintendent, the 
moment the Stat3 determines to secede; for on no earthly account 
will I do any act or think any thought hostile to or in defiance of the 
old Government of the United States. 

"With great respect, your obedient servant, 

"W. T. Sherman, Superintendent." 

See page 118. 

What Congress then thought of him is well expressed in the fol- 
lowing joint resolution (Ibid., Vol. II, page 229) : 

380 



) 



Appendix 

"Joint resolution tendering the thanks of the people and of Congress 
to Major General William T. Sherman, and the officers and sol- 
diers of his command, for their gallant conduct in their late bril- 
liant movement through Georgia : 
"Be it resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the 
thanks of the people and of the Congress of the United States are 
due and are hereby tendered to Major General William T. Sherman, 
and through him to the officers and men under his command, for 
their gallantry and good conduct in their late campaign from Chat- 
tanooga to Atlanta, and the triumphal march thence through Georgia 
to Savannah, terminating in the capture and occupation of that city ; 
and that the President cause a copy of this joint resolution to be en- 
grossed and forwarded to Major General Sherman. 
"Approved January lo, 1865." 

See page 129. 

In answer to some criticism of General Sheridan, because absent 
from his command, when attacked at Cedar Creek; I would say, I 
have carefully weighed all I have found on both sides, and believe the 
facts fully exonerate him. 

On October 13 he received a telegram from Secretary Stan- 
ton, requesting him to come to Washington, as he "proposed to visit 
General Grant and wanted to see him [Sheridan] first." He got 
ready to go; but the enemy being reported on the offensive, he de- 
layed starting until satisfied they were too distant or too feeble to 
do much; and October 16 rode through Manassas Gap to the 
terminus of the railroad from Washington. Here he received an- 
other order from General Halleck to "come to Washington ;" and 
taking the cars with his staff and horses arrived at Washington next 
morning "about eight o'clock." Soon afterward he reported to 
Mr. Stanton at the War Department, and the first thing he did was 
to request "a special train to be ready at twelve o'clock" to take 
him back to Martinsburg, with his staff and horses. Then he held 
a consultation with Stanton and Halleck, as to the facts and matters 
of his military department, comparing views, etc., that they had not 
been able otherwise to exchange. Promptly "at twelve o'clock" he 
left Washington for Winchester and Cedar Creek, via Martinsburg. 
He arrived at Martinsburg about dark ; and found his escort of three 
hundred cavalry ready, which he had ordered while at Cedar Creek. 

381 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Early next morning, October ^. he mounted and started for 
Winchester, but did not reach there till between 3 and 4 p. m., 
though the distance is only twenty-eight miles, because of having two 
engineer officers with him from Washington, who were unaccus- 
tomed to horseback riding and could go no faster. Immediately, 
however, he despatched a courier to the front for a report of affairs 
there ; and then took one of his new engineers to a height overlook- 
ing Winchester, "in order that he might overlook the country, and 
make up his mind as to the utility of fortifying there." By the time 
they had completed their survey "it was^ dark," and his courier re- 
turned from Cedar Creek "bringing word that everything was all 
right." So, about 10 p. m., he went to bed, "greatly relieved and ex- 
pecting to regain headquarters at [his] leisure next day." 

Early on the 19th, about 6 a. m., a picket officer came to his 
room (Sheridan being yet in bed) and reported artillery firing in the 
direction of Cedar Creek, "not sustained, but irregular and fitful." 
Sheridan concluded, this was only a reconnoissance that had been 
ordered; but grew restless and soon got up and dressed himself. 
A little later, the officer came back and reported, that the firing still 
continued, but he did not think it a battle." However, Sheri- 
dan requested "breakfast to be hurried and ordered the horses 
saddled," and about 8.30 a. m. was in the saddle and en route 
to the front. 

Soon he grew anxious, the cannonading continuing; and presently 
as he rode forward there burst upon his view "the appalling spec- 
tacle of a panic-stricken army — hundreds of slightly wounded men, 
throngs of others unhurt but utterly demoralized, and baggage- 
wagons by the score, all pressing to the rear in hopeless confusion; 
telling only too plainly that a disaster had occurred at the front." 
Then putting spurs to Rienzi, he galloped to the front, rallying the 
stragglers and taking many back with him. and by 10:30 a. m. was at 
Cedar Creek, and in due time wrested victory from defeat. 

Clearly he was not in error in going to Washington, and deserves 
great credit for his expedition, prudence, and heroism. It is true, 
it is claimed for General Wright, that he would have whipped Early 
all the same. But then, he might not. We only know, that he was 
surprised. And that Sheridan got there on time, and did the business 
handsomely. See Sheridan's Memoirs, Vol. II, pages 60 to 90. 

382 



Appendix 

See page 134. 

It seems to me, this chapter on "Sheridan" would not be complete 
without Thomas Buchanan Read's "Sheridan's Ride;" and so I quote 
it here entire. It may not be precisely accurate; but it photographs 
and voices the whole "situation" so well, both horse and man, that 
it deserves to live forever in American song and story : 

SHERIDAN'S RIDE. 

" Up from the south, at break of day, 
Bringing to Winchester fresh dismay, 
The affrighted air with a shudder bore, 
Like a herald in haste to the chieftain's door. 
The terrible grumble and rumble and roar, 
Telling the battle was on once more. 
And Sheridan twenty miles away. 

"And wider still those billows of war 
Thundered along the horizon's bar; 
And louder yet into Winchester rolled 
The roar of that red sea uncontrolled. 
Making the blood of the listener cold. 
As he thought of the stake in that fiery fray. 
And Sheridan twenty miles away. 

" But there is a road from Winchester town, 
A good broad highway leading down; 
And there, through the flush of the morning light, 
A steed as black as the steeds of night 
Was seen to pass, as with eagle flight; 
As if he knew the terrible need. 
He stretched away with his utmost speed; 
Hills rose and fell; but his heart was gay, 
With Sheridan fifteen miles away. 

" Still sprang from those swift hoofs, thundering south, 
The dust, like smoke from the cannon's mouth. 
Or the trail of a comet, sweeping faster and faster 
Foreboding to traitors the doom of disaster. 
The heart of the steed and the heart of the master 
Were beating like prisoners assaulting their walls. 
Impatient to be where the battlefield calls; 
Every nerve of the charger was strained to full play. 
With Sheridan only ten miles away. 

*• Under his spuming feet, the road, 
Like an arrowy Alpine river flowed; 
And the landscape sped away behind, 
25 383 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Like an ocean flying befor^^e wind; 
And the steed, like a bark red with furnace ire, 
Swept on, with his wild eye full of fire. 
But lo! he is nearing his heart's desire; 
He is snuffing the smoke of the roaring fray, 
"With Sheridan only five miles away. 

'• The first that the general saw were the groups 
Of stragglers, and then the retreating troops; 
"What was done ? what to do ? — a glance told him both; 
Then striking his spurs, with a terrible oath, 
He dashed down the line, 'mid a storm of huzzas. 
And the wave of retreat checked its course there, because 
The sight of the master compelled it to pause. 
"With foam and with dust the black charger was gray; 
By the flash of his eye and the red nostril's play, 
He seemed to the whole great army to say; 
* I have brought you Sheridan all the way 
From Winchester down to save the day! ' 

Hurrah! hurrah for Sheridan! 

Hurrah! hurrah for horse and man! 

And when their statues are placed on high, 

Under the dome of the Union sky — 

The American soldiers' Temple of Fame — 

There with the glorious general's name 

Be it said in letters both bold and bright: 

'Here is the steed that saved the day. 
By carrying Sheridan into the fight, 

From Winchester, twenty miles away! ' " 

See page 140. 

His enemies and detractors said he was "drunk," of course. But 
here is the exact fact : 

"During this visit I reviewed Banks's Army, a short distance 
above Carrollton. The horse I rode was vicious and but little used ; 
and on my return to New Orleans ran away, and shying at a loco- 
motive on the street fell, probably on me. I was rendered insen- 
sible; and when I regained consciousness, I found myself in a hotel 
near by, with several doctors attending me. My leg was swollen 
from the knee to the thigh, and the swelling almost to the point of 
bursting extended along the body up to the arm-pit. The pain was 
almost beyond endurance. I lay at the hotel something over a week, 
without being able to turn myself in bed. I had a steamer stop at 

384 



Appendix 

the nearest point possible, and was carried to it on a litter. I was 
then taken to Vicksburg, where I remained unable to move for some 
time afterward." — Grant's Memoirs, Vol. I, pages 581-2. 

See page 144. 

In reply to the charge of Grant's unscientific fighting and heavy 
losses, 1864-5, I beg to say, it is true he lost heavily ; but he lost less 
in beating Lee and taking Richmond, than McClellan and other com- 
manders did in failing to do so. The aggregate losses of Mc- 
Clellan, from April 5, 1862, to August 8, 1862, during his Peninsula 
Campaign, from Yorktown back to Yorktown again (accomplishing 
nothing — returning to the same spot from which he started), exclu- 
sive of his sick, were twenty-four thousand four hundred and forty- 
eight.i So, the aggregate losses of McDowell, McClellan, Burnside, 
Hooker, and Meade, from Bull Run, July 21, 1861, to Brandy Station 
or Culpeper, May 4, 1864, with Lee still "in full feather" and Rich- 
mond safe as ever, were one hundred and forty-three thousand nine 
hundred and twenty-five. The total losses of General Grant from 
the Rapidan, May 4, 1864, to Appomattox, April 9, 1865, were one 
hundred and twenty-four thousand three hundred and ninety, which 
is nineteen thousand five hundred and thirty-five less than the others. 
It is conceded, these figures are large; but then he "got there," and 
"finished the business." 

See McClure's Magazine, May, 1898, page 34. The Hon. Charles 
A. Dana, ex-assistant secretary of war, had these figures compiled 
from records of War Department. 

See page 158. 
Here is the "Parole of General Robert E. Lee and staff," which 
will likely interest many readers of this volume {War Records, Vol. 
XLVI, Part 3, page (£7): 

"We, the undersigned prisoners of war belonging to the Army of 
Northern Virginia, having been this day surrendered by General 
Robert E. Lee, Confederate States Army, commanding said army, to 
Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, commanding Armies of the United 
States, do hereby give our solemn parole of honor that we will not 
hereafter serve in the armies of the Confederate States, or in any 
military capacity whatever, against the United States of America, or 

^ See p. 38. 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

render aid to the enemies of the l^er, until properly exchanged, in 
such manner as shall be mutually approved by the respective authori- 
ties. 

"Done at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, this ninth day of 
April, 1865. 

"R. E. Lee, General. 

"W. H. Taylor, Lieutenant Colonel and Assistant 
Adjutant General. 

"Charles S. Venable, Lieutenant Colonel and As- 
sistant Adjutant General. 

"Charles Marshall, Lieutenant Colonel and As- 
sistant Adjutant General. 

"H. E. Peyton, Lieutenant Colonel, Adjutant and 
Inspector General. 

"Giles B. Cooke, Major and Assistant Adjutant 
and Inspector General. 

"H. E. Young, Major, Assistant Adjutant General, 
and Judge Advocate General. 

(Indorsement.) 

"The within-named officers will not be disturbed by the United 
States authorities so long as they observe their parole and the laws 
in force where they may reside. 

"George H. Sharpe, Assistant Provost Marshal General." 

Here is General Lee's "Farewell Address" to his army, which 
seems most touching and pathetic in the light of these after years 
{War Records, Vol. XLVI, Part 3> page 744) : 

"General Orders, 
"No. 9. 

"Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, ) 
April 10, 1865. ) 

"After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed 
courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been com- 
pelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I need not 
tell the brave survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have re- 
mained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to the result from 
no distrust of them. But, feeling that valor and devotion could ac- 
complish nothing that could compensate for the loss that may have 
attended the continuance of the contest, I determined to avoid the 

386 



Appendix 

useless sacrifices of those whose past services have endeared them 
to their countrymen. By the terms of the agreement officers and 
men can return to their homes and remain until exchanged. You 
will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the conscious- 
ness of duty faithfully performed ; and I earnestly pray that a merci- 
ful God will extend to you his blessing and protection. With an 
unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your coun- 
try, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consid- 
eration for myself, I bid you all an affectionate farewell. 

*'R. E. Lee, General." 
Here is Grant's general "pass" to Lee, after his surrender ; and he 
took good care it was respected, even by President Johnson (Ibid., 
page 686) : 

"Appomattox Court House, Va., ) 
April 10, 1865. ) 

"All officers commanding posts, pickets or detachments will pass 
General R. E. Lee through their lines north or south on presentation 
of this pass. General Lee will be permitted to visit Richmond at 
any time, unless otherwise ordered by competent authority, and 
every facility for his doing so will be given by officers of the United 
States Army to whom this may be presented. 

"U. S. Grant, Lieutenant General." 

See page 165. 

Here is a valuable and suggestive letter from the Evening Post, 
of New York, that well supplements and illustrates Chapter XH : 

"THE COST OF THE WAR. 

"It is interesting and important to inquire what war actually is. 
In one of its phases, the question has been broadly answered by Ca- 
mille Flammarion, who a few years ago made an historic study of 
the ruin wrought by war, and out of his research evolved some 
striking facts and figures. 'How many men are destroyed by war in 
a century ?' he asked, and responded : 

" 'We know that during the unaccountable Franco-German war of 
1871 250,000 men were slain on the two sides; that during the 
Crimean war of i854-'55 785,000 were slain; that during the short 
Italian war of 1859 63,000 men fell on the field of battle or died in 
hospitals; that the game of chess between Prussia and Austria in 
1866 deprived 46,000 individuals of life; that in the United States 
the strife between the North and South caused the death of 450,000 

387 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

men in i86o-'64; we know also that the wars of the First Empire 
poured out the blood of 5,ooo,ooofliid that France has taken up arms 
twenty times since 1815. On adding the number of victims of war 
during the last century, a total of 19,840,900 is reached in the civil- 
ized countries of Europe and in the United States. 

" 'Commencing with the Trojan war, the case has been the same 
in all ages of history. Certain remarkable battles, fought hand to 
hand with knife or club, have had the memorable honor of leaving as 
many as 200,000 men dead on the field ; as examples we cite the de- 
feat of the Cimbrians and the Teutons by Marius, and the last ex- 
ploits of Attila. Eighteen to twenty million men are killed every 
century in Europe by the enlightened institution of war. If these 
men, averaging thirty years of age, should join hands, they would 
form a line 4,500 leagues long, crossing all Europe and Asia. 

" 'A great amount of money is necessary in order to kill in proper 
manner, for each man slain costs about $7,000, The increasing and 
multiplying taxes of all nations are never sufficient to pay for the 
butchery of human troops. Every year Europe spends more than 
$1,200,000,000 in shedding her children's blood; and France spends 
$400,000 every day.' 

"When it is considered that the onward movement of the world 
in civilization has been wholly along the line of industrial develop- 
ment, the withdrawal of this great mass of human effort and ac- 
cumulated capital from the world's business is appalling in itself. 
But when we reflect that war is, after all, only a duel between na- 
tions, and that the duel between individuals, from which it is copied, 
is merely a survival of the old superstition concerning the efficacy 
of the ordeal by combat in punishing wrong and promoting justice, 
it seems incomprehensible that in this unsuperstitious age even a 
handful of educated and intelligent men would seek war deliberately 
as long as there is any possibility of avoiding it. The trouble with 
a war is not confined to the immediate havoc which it causes. Its 
after effects are in some respects worse than those directly in view, 
for it leaves the seeds of moral and economic disease in the blood of 
a nation. 

"This must be familiar to all Americans old enough to have lived 
through the Civil War and witnessed the struggles of the nation to 
get back to its old moorings, even after peace has reigned for more 
than thirty years. But to the younger generation, who have not seen 
and taken part in these struggles, at each successive stage, this rea- 
soning is not so comprehensible. A clearer view of the economic 
side of war may be presented to them by considering how much they 
are now paying out of their own pockets for the satisfaction their 
fathers and grandfathers felt in making war upon their own brethren 

388 



Appendix 

before the present generation was born. A glance over the appropri- 
ation acts for the fiscal year 1898 presents this matter in a striking 
light. For convenience of reference, the items may be placed in a 
table, as follows: 

SUBJECTS. APPROPRIATIONS. 

War claim for gold seized by United States Government in 

rebel territory in 1865 $16,987 00 

Certified claims for pay and bounty, about 9,000 00 

Court of Claims cases, general, relating to Civil War, about 1,007,700 00 

Horse claims and quartermasters' accounts, about 800 00 

Repaii'ing old auditors' rolls, about 20,000 00 

Records of the Rebellion, army 130,380 00 

Records of the Rebellion, navy 36,930 00 

Record and Pension Office, War Department, share for the 

Civil War, about 591,430 00 

Record and Pension Office, Ford's Theater disaster damages. 34,750 00 
Pensions : 

For payments to veterans, their widows and children. . . . 140,000,180 00 

Salaries in Pension Office, Washington 2,086,759 45 

Salaries of special examiners 195,000 00 

Expense of investigating claims 450,000 00 

Fees of examining surgeons 700, 167 75 

Salaries of agency clerks 430,000 00 

Salaries of pension agents 72,177 44 

Rents of agencies in other than public buildings, repairs, 

fuel, lights, and contingent expenses, about 75, 000 00 

National cemeteries 100,000 00 

National cemeteries, superintendents' salaries 61,880 00 

National cemeteries, headstones 25,000 00 

Artificial limbs, or commutation therefor, for maimed vet- 
erans 183,171 73 

Commutation of rations to ex-prisoners of war and furloughed 

soldiers. . o 4,177 25 

Soldiers' Homes : 

Dayton, Ohio 567, 200 00 

Milwaukee, Wis 276,500 00 

Togus, Me 265,800 00 

Hampton, Va 350,000 00 

Leavenworth, Kan 295,100 00 

Santa Monica, Cal 219,611 37 

Marion, Ind 188,383 04 

Danville, 111 150,000 00 

General and incidental expenses 260,422 59 

Aid to State and territorial homes 880,000 00 

National military parks : 

Chickamauga and Chattanooga 93,045 00 

Gettysburg , 50, 935 00 

Shiloh 60,000 00 

Road-making, site-marking, and other incidentals 34,225 00 

Estimate for Potomac Memorial Bridge 2,500 00 

Total $149,925,122 62 

"In round numbers, $150,000,000. Yet this list is not complete, for 

it leaves out of account all permanent appropriations; a number of 

389 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

petty annual appropriations which individually seem inconsiderable, 
but would swell the aggregate by^me thousands; and, finally, the 
proportional but inseparable shares of large general appropriations 
which some of the enumerated items ought to have added to them. 
This last category includes the court costs, the legal fees, etc., in- 
volved in defending the government against suits on war claims ; 
the cost of housing several of the pension offices in government 
buildings, all of which goes into the account of the Treasury Depart- 
ment as custodian of these buildings ; and the like. 

"One additional item we cannot afford to pass over, because it is 
so easy of calculation and makes so large a part of the grand total. 
That is the bonded debt of the nation. In i860 the national debt stood 
at an almost insignificant figure — less than $65,000,000. By 1866 
it had risen to $2,773,236,173, in consequence of the Civil War and 
its economic aftermath. By heroic efforts and many sacrifices we 
have succeeded in cutting down the principal of the debt to a little 
more than $1,800,000,000, and its annual interest charge to $34,387,- 
315; hence the proportion of interest alone which may now be set 
down as an annual burden imposed by the Civil War is $33,000,000. 
Posterity will have the principal to pay; so that, formidable as it 
appears, that need not enter into our present calculation. The inter- 
est charge, added to the total of direct annual appropriations already 
noted in our table, brings the grand total up to about $183,000,000. 

"Here, then, we have the amount of money still squeezed out of the 
pockets of our own people in a single year — and not an extravagant 
year, either — as their contribution toward a war which was fought 
before a majority of our present taxpayers were born or had attained 
responsible age. 

"No statistics can tell the whole story of war even on the side 
which reduces it all to dollars and cents. The charge upon our 
whole people for pensions is only a part of the total pension charge ; 
for the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, 
Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia are supporting their own pensioners 
who fought in the Confederate army, and as a State tax the money 
for each pension payroll or soldiers' home must come out of the 
pockets of the people of the State concerned. Again, in several of 
the States the people are still paying interest charges on money ad- 
vanced to equip regiments, bounties to encourage enlistments, etc. 
Not a few Northern States are supporting soldiers' homes of their 
own, to which the federal government merely contributes a certain 
sum, as noted in our table ; and to these must be added such direct 
and indirect expenditures as the erection of war monuments, by State 
appropriations, the remission of taxes to veterans, and the increase of 

390 



Appendix 

insanity and pauperism demanding relief from the State treasuries, 
and traceable to the losses and misery entailed by the Civil War. 

"The necessary limits of space forbid deeper research into this sub- 
ject. But though merely the surface has been upturned, has it not 
disclosed enough to raise the question, how much further the world 
might have advanced in civilization and comfort of living, if this 
great volume of money had been turned into the channels of industry 
and popular education, instead of being wasted on the spilling of 
blood and the destruction of property f L." 

The above gives graphically the cost of our Civil War on our own 
side mainly. But when one considers the Confederate side, it be- 
comes almost incomputable. It is true, they did not lose so many 
men ; but what did they not lose in railroads smashed, in fences 
and buildings burned, in crops and live-stock destroyed, in whole 
States ravaged, and especially in the wide swath of Sherman's march 
from Chattanooga to Atlanta, and from Atlanta to Savannah and 
Raleigh? It seems not too much to say, that the Rebellion cost the 
South at least five billions of dolllars, if not more, and cost the nation 
first and last (on both sides), at least a million of lives and ten 
billions of dollars. 

See page 4 of Preface. 

Here are extracts from a few letters, official reports, etc., that may 
interest somebody: 

"Headquarters Third Brigade, Second '\ 

Division, Third Corps, > 

April 13, 1863. ) 

"I have known Captain James F. Rusling in the army since August, 
1861, as regimental, brigade and division officer. He has always 
been efficient and prompt in attending to his duties, and I take great 
pleasure in recommending him for increased rank. 

"G. MoTT, Brigadier General Volunteers." 

"Headquarters Second Division, Third Corps, ) 
April 20, 1863. \ 

"Captain Rusling has served at these headquarters for the past 
six months — the last three months under my command. Intelli- 
gent, industrious, and devoted to duty, I consider him one of 
the best officers in the volunteer service, and take great pleasure in 
recommending him for promotion. 

"H. G. Berry, Major General." 

391 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Tenn^^e, Executive E 
Nashville, Dec. 23, 1864 



State of Tenn^ee, Executive Department, ) 
^LLE, Dec. 23, 1864. ) 



"The Hon. E. M. Stanton, 
"Secretary of War. 

"Dear Sir: I would respectfully ask your personal attention to 
the case of my friend, Captaini James F. Rusling, assistant quarter- 
master volunteers, Chief Assistant Quartermaster Department of the 
Cumberland, now before the quartermaster general, or in your own 
office, recommended for appointment as Chief Quartermaster of the 
depot here at Nashville, with the rank of Colonel. This depot, as 
you know, is now one of the largest in the Union, and has no chief 
quartermaster, as such ; and Captain Rusling was recommended for 
the appointment by Brevet Brigadier General J. L. Donaldson, chief 
quartermaster Department of the Cumberland, now several weeks 
ago. Rusling has been General Donaldson's Chief Assistant here for 
now over twelve months, and has been before recommended for 
equivalent promotion, namely, as Inspector Quartermaster's Depart- 
ment, by Generals Hooker, Thomas, Donaldson, and others. He has 
been an earnest anti-slavery man since 1856 ; entered the army nearly 
four years ago ; was made captain and assistant quartermaster volun- 
teers in June, 1862 — and I personally know him to be a man of char- 
acter and ability — sober, steady, industrious; formerly a lawyer at 
Trenton, N. J. — and thus well fitted, as I believe, for the position in- 
dicated. 

"In making this recommendation, I am of the opinion, that the in- 
terests of the public service will be advanced, and a worthy and de- 
serving officer promoted, and it will, at the same time, fix an obliga- 
tion on me, which will be duly appreciated. 
"I have the honor to be, 

"Very respectfully, 

"Your obedient servant, 

"Andrew Johnson, Vice President-elect United States." 

"Headquarters Military Division Tennessee, ) 
Nashville, Tenn., July i, 1866. ) 

"Brevet Brigadier General James F. Rusling, Inspector, reported 
to me December 29, 1865. I at once assigned him to inspecting the 
Division wherever I thought a correcting hand was needed. The 
field was large, and the work diverse (embracing Kentucky, Ten- 



* By United States law the rank of lieutenant colonel ceased when an officer ceased to 
serve at corps headquarters. Hence was captain again from July 1863, though higher in 
place and duties. 



Appendix 

nessee, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia), requiring some nerve to 
do it effectually and impartially. General Rusling performed it to 
my entire satisfaction, reducing and cutting off without fear, favor, 
or affection; and this is the highest praise I can accord anyone. 
I commend him to your favorable notice as one who has done much 
to aid in reducing expenses in this division. 

"J- L- Donaldson, Brevet Major General United States Army." 

"Washington, D. C, ) 
July 9, 1868. ( 

"You fearlessly exposed errors and abuses, and always rendered 
very valuable service to the department. I gladly bear testimony to 
the zealous fidelity with which you entered upon and performed most 
responsible duties. 

"M. C. Meigs, Brevet Major General United States Army." 



"Watertown, N. Y., 
July 24, 1868. 

"I have always regarded your war record as having been firmly 
and nobly established, wherever you served. Throughout the war 
your record for gallant conduct and meritorious services is unim- 
peachable. Many times have you placed me under personal obliga- 
tions to you by your devoted services; and I have no doubt such is 
the fact with every commander with whom you have served. It is 
not necessary for me to say more. 

"Your friend and servant, 
"Joseph Hooker, Major General United States Army." 

"New York, July 26, 1868. 

"In the campaigns of '62 and ^63 you were on duty in the field 
with me, and your duties were all performed to my entire satisfac- 
tion. In every position you exhibited all the characteristic traits of 
an efficient officer, and in the movements intervening between An- 
tietam and Fredericksburg, as well as Chancellorsville and Gettys- 
burg campaigns especially, your vigilance, energy, zeal, and gallantry 
won honorable mention on frequent occasions. Afterward in '66 and 
'67, in your capacity as inspecting officer, your labors resulted in 
large reductions in the expenditures of the Government, and in salu- 
tary administrative reforms. 

"Your friend and comrade, 
"D. E. Sickles, Brevet Major General United States Army." 
393 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

"Headquarters DEPA^pcENi of the Cumberland, ) 
Louisville, K.Y., July ii, 1868. S 

"General James F. Rusling reported for duty at Nashville, Tenn., 
in November, 1863, and continued with me until April, 1865. During 
all this time, and especiallly during the siege of Nashville and Hood's 
campaign, he proved himself an active and efficient officer. 

"George H. Thomas, Major General United States Army." 



"Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri, ) 
St. Louis, July 30, 1868. ) 

"General Rusling's reputation in the West was always good, and 
the indorsement of such a person as General George H. Thomas is 
sufficient for me to add my name. 

"W. T. Sherman, Lieutenant General United States Army." 

Extracts from reports of General Donaldson, senior and super- 
vising quartermaster. Department of the Cumberland, 1864-5. 

"I cannot conclude this report without calling your attention to 
the following-named officers on duty at this depot, to whom I feel 
largely indebted for the efficiency and success attending my opera- 
tions : to Captain James F. Rusling, assistant quartermaster volun- 
teers, on duty in my office as Chief Assistant Quartermaster, for faith- 
fulness and energy, and for unwearied attention to the multifarious 
business necessarily centering here; thus leaving my own mind free 
for the more general operations of the department." — War Records, 
Vol. LH, Part i, supplement, page 623. 

"Captain James F. Rusling, assistant quartermaster volunteers, 
was my Chief Assistant Quartermaster from December i, 1863, to 
April 29, 1865, when he received his appointment as Inspector Quar- 
termaster Department. During the Atlanta campaign and afterward 
he was of great assistance to me in the work of supplying the army ; 
and I witnessed his well-earned promotion with pleasure." — IVar 
Records, Vol. LH, Part i, supplement, page 688. 

Extracts from report of Secretary of War, etc., 1866-7: 

"The officers who have been on inspection duty have accomplished 
a great amount of work during the year, pointing out the places and 
mode of effecting great economies. Inspections by Brevet Brigadier 
General James F. Rusling have been particularly extensive, thorough, 

394 



Appendix 

and useful. His various inspections in the States included in the 
Military Division of the Tennessee (1865-6) resulted in great reduc- 
tions of material and personnel, and in great consequent economies. 
General Rusling is now engaged upon a minute inspection of the 
Posts on the route to San Francisco, and in those of the Military 
Division of the Pacific, and his reports give clear and precise infor- 
mation of the operations, necessities, and defects of the service in 
those remote districts, which is especially valuable." — Page 62, Sen- 
ate edition. 

Again : 

"General Rusling has faithfully performed his arduous duties. 
His appointment, as Inspector, was fitly made. In his tour to the 
Pacific coast, he is giving a full, faithful, and valuable report of his 
operations, which will be of great value to the Department. He has 
fairly earned the brevet of Brigadier General United States Volun- 
teers lately conferred upon him by the War Department." — Page 338. 

"The actual reductions in the expenses of the government, result- 
ing from inspections made by officers of this department, cannot be 
closely estimated. Brevet Brigadier General James F. Rusling, how- 
ever, has embodied in his annual report a tabular statement, showing 
that at the depots and posts inspected by him, from about June 30, 
1865, to July 31, 1866, the current expenses prior to his inspections 
aggregated $1,508,160.42 per month — the number of employees being 
twenty-one thousand five hundred and sixty-three ; that he made 
recommendations involving a reduction of the expenditures to $512,- 
806, and the employees to nine thousand and nine; that these reduc- 
tions were for the most part carried out, involving a saving to the 
department of nearly one million dollars per month." — Page 340. 

See page 165. 

In our recent war with Spain our casualties from May i, 1898, to 
February 28, 1899, were only as follows ; Killed, 329 ; died of wounds, 
125 ; died of disease, 5,277 ; total, 5,731. 

395 



AN OLD SOLDIER'S P^EAN 



By Gen. James F. Rusling, LL.D. 

Aet. 80 



His Confession of Faith and Marching Orders 



My years are passing — let them pass ; 
Old age is here. Say not "alas !" 
My soul serenely soars and sings, 
Above the common ruck of things. 
Beneath the imperial eye of day, 
Beneath the steadfast silver stars. 
And life is one long roundelay. 
From rosy morn to evening Mars. 

Of peace and war, I have had my fill. 

The idyls of peace, the infernos of war, 

With its guns and drums, and big "Butcher Bill," 

Its weary marches, near and far. 

Its glorious charges, the cannon's roar, 

Have supped full of all, and want no more. 

At home and abroad have had my fling, 

Why should I now not soar and sing? 

Have fought my fight, have run my race, 

Have paid my debts, have won my place ; 

Have marched with Grant, helped free the slave, 

Helped save the flag, what's more to crave? 

Let other veterans strut and rage, 

Why lag superfluous on the stage? 

To Mexico, yes, but not for me, 

Too old for such a barren melee. 

Above the griefs and hates of men. 

Above this world, sometimes it seems a dismal den 

Of sordid fears and banal lies. 

Without reward or worthy prize ; 

But onlv "seems," cannot be so ; 



Or all this world's an idle show ; 

But only ''seems," sufpemely no ; 

For God still reigns — "all's well" below ; 

And more and more old Satan flies, 

And more and more his kingdom dies ; 

And howsoe'er men sometinies fare, 

They cannot stray "beyond God's love and care." 

Besides, for me He has biiilded Paradise ; 

For me and you, and all who are true. 

And to the end hold steadfast through ; 

And now for Paradise, O Paradise, 

Joy of my soul, feast of my eyes ! 

Its light and love, its song and cheer, 

For Paradise, please God, FU steer. 

"Who misses or who wins the prize. 

Go lose or conquer as you can, 

But if you fail or if you rise. 

Be each, pray God, a gentleman." 

So sang a valiant British bard, 

In his superb old Christmas Hymn, 

Resolved he would not take it hard, 

No matter what might come to him. 

Accepting all as part of God's great plan, 

To cure earth's ills and make a man ; 

Like Thackeray, may I be ever blithe, 

And march erect amidst my clan, 

And howsoe'er Time swings his scythe, 

Be all in all the best I can ; 

And when my final roll-call comes. 

Be unafraid at "tap of drums." 

And when at last I'm called from here, 

Be it by day or in the dark. 
May I, by Jesus' grace, right forward steer, 

Captain of my soul and Pilot of my bark. 



Trenton, N. J., May 30, 1914. 



INDEX 



** A soldier's life is always gay," 167 

Abolitionists, 321 

Abbott, Capt. Joseph, 284 

" Across America," 353 

Accounts with U. S., 280, 284 

Acquia Creek, 65, 231, 233 

Albany, 166 

Alabama, 305, 336 

AUeghanies, 135 

Allen, Gen. Robert, a great Quartermaster, 
174; sufficient unto himself, 174; many 
great commanders Quartermasters pre- 
viously, 174 ; Chief Quartermaster Military 
Division Mississippi, 174 ; at West Point, 
174 ; in Mexico, 174; on Pacific Coast, 175 ; 
before the war, 177,178; at Corinth, 178; 
his personal traits, 178 ; at St. Louis, 175, 
176, 179 ; during Vicksburg campaign, 179, 
181; at Louisville, 182, 183; with Sherman, 
184; his report on Nashville, 184; his 
great work at Louisville, 185, 186; his vast 
disbursements, 187; his immense supplies, 
188 ; approximate estimate of his services, 
188; a soldier and a gentleman, 189 

Alexander, 120, 145, 155 

Alexandria, 32, 33, 44, 55, 70, 191, 197-1991 
201-203, 221 

Ambulances, 166 

American Republic indivisible on line of 
Slavery, 17, 152; the raw recruit of the 
Nations, 161; its great men and great 
destiny, 161 ; God speed it, i6i 

American Revolution, 80 

American Senate, 20 

Among strangers beware, 314 

An army a city on legs, 165; like a snake, 
166 

Anacostia, 224 

Annandale, 32 

Anderson, Gen., 151 

Andersonville, horrors of, 150, 162 

Angel of the Third Corps, 190 ; Woman in 
the war, 190; Soldier's Children's Home, 
190; Mother Bickerdyke, 190 ; Miss Gilson, 
190; her "outfit," 191; in camp, 191; at 



the White House.Va., 191; on James River, 
192 ; at Potomac Creek, 193 ; our Florence 
Nightingale, 193; at Falmouth, 193; in 
South Carolina, 194 

Antaeus, 70 

Antietam, 18 ; a drawn battle, 34, 41, 44, 55, 
61,63, 125; Lee worsted there, 150, 154 

Antislavery utterances, 223 

Antwerp, Siege of, 153 

Appomattox, 18 ; Lee's surrender there, 132 ; 
the bells of, 144 * the end of all things, 145, 
153, 157 

Appendix, 355 

Apples, 214 

Arkansas, 179 

Army, what it is, 165, 166 

Army Chaplains, 217 

Army Corps, Organization by, 57 

Army Inspections, some idea of, 393-395 

Army Letters, 3, 195 ; from Washington, 195, 
202, 204-206, 209, 215 ; from Alexandria, 
197, 199, 201 ; from Charlotte Hall, 203 ; 
from Lower Potomac, 207, 208, 211, 212, 214, 
216, 219, 221, 222, 224, 227, 236; James 
River, 237 ; Fortress Monroe, 238, 241 ; 
Yorktown, 242 ; Williamsburg, 244 ; West 
Point, 248 ; New Kent Court House, 249 ; 
Twenty-one miles from Richmond, 251 ; 
Bottom Bridge, 253 ; Savage Station, 255 ; 
Fair Oaks, 257, 260, 261 ; Harrison's Land- 
ing, 263 ; Washington, D. C, 267 ; Alex- 
andria, 269; Fort Lyon, 273; near Alex- 
andria, 274-280 ; Manassas Junction, 282 ; 
Washington, D. C, 284 ; Falmouth, 286- 
301 ; Boscobel, 302-305 ; Washington, D. 
C, 306 ; Frederick, 307 ; Headquarters 
Army of Potomac, 309; Cincinnati, 309; 
Nashville, 310-350; Chicago, 351; Harris- 
burg, 352 

Army nurses, 190, 191 

Army record of author, 4 

Army roads, 214, 216, 217, 221, 249, 250, 255, 
29s 

Army of the Cumberland, 80, 181 

Army of the Mississippi, 189 

Army of Northern Virginia, 143, 153 



397 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



Army of the Potomac, 17, 24, 30, 36, 43, 44, 
52. 53; losses at Fair Oaks, 259 ; on Penin^ 
sula, 37-40 ; under Grant, 153 ; generally, 
385 ; at Fredericksburg, 56 ; condition after 
Fredericksburg, 56, 57, 59, 61, 68, 72 ; trains 
of, 74, 79, 164, 186, 189, 190 

Arnold, Benedict, 23 

Assassination of Lincoln, 17, 347 

Asylum at Washington, Hooker there, 63 

Atlanta Campaign, 59, 60, 83 ; capture of 
Atlanta, 84, 142, 144, 154, 170, 183, 186 

Austerlitz, 24 

B 

Badeau's Life of Grant , 4, 163 

Baggage-destroying order of McClellan at 
Fair Oaks, 29, 359 

Baker, Gen. E. D., 23 ; his death, 25 

Balaclava, 68 

Ball's Bluff, 25 

Baltimore Cross Roads, 253 

Banks, Gen. N. B., 223 

Barracks, 177 

Barry, Gen. W. F., 112 

Barstoe, Capt. Samuel, his death in hospital, 
241 

Basis of Volume, 3 

*' Battle above the Clouds," Hooker's, 59 

Battlefield at Fair Oaks, 259 

Battle, front and rear of, 171 

Battles in Civil War, 164 

Battle of Nashville, 341 

Bayard, Chevalier de, 54 

Bayard, Gen. Geo. D., killed at Fredericks- 
burg, 46 

Be careful among strangers, 314 

Bealton, 306 

Beauregard. Gen. P. T., 81, 336, 362 

Beef on hoof, 160 

Bells of Appomattox, 144 

Belvidere, 288 

Ben Hur, 368 

Berry, Gen. H. G., 296 ; fell at Chancellors- 
ville, 301 ; recommends the author for pro- 
motion, 391 

Bickerdyke, Mother, 19c 

Big Bethel, 22, 24 

Big Black, Grant and Sherman at, 140 

Birney, Gen., 296 

Bishop Simpson at Nashville, 316 

Board of Survey, 213 

" Bob," 295 

Books good things, 329 

Bordentown, 317 

Boscobel, 302, 304, 305 

Boston, 185, 188, 191 

" Botany Bay," 78 

Bottom Bridge, 253 

Bragg. Gen. Braxton, 5 ; at Stone River, 82 ; 



at Chickamauga and Chattanooga, 82, 83, 

p 141, 181 

Brandy Station, 78 

Brass Castle, N. J., 283 

Brave contraband, 257 

Brave men, 171 

Breckinridge. J. C, as Vice President, 20 

Brentsville, 75, 76 

Bridgeport, 59 

Brigade Bakeries, 57 

Brigade Quartermaster, 203, 220 

Bristoe, 30, 54 ; Generals Hill and Warren 
there, 76, 272 

Brooks, Noah, on Lincoln, 359 

Buchanan, James, as President, 8, 18, 20 

Buckley, Rev. J. M., 355, 356 ; commenda- 
tion of author, 355, 359 

Budd's Ferry, 206 

Buell, Gen. D. C, 223 

Buena Vista, 164 

Buford, Gen. John, at Gettysburg, 68 

Building stables, 205 

Bull Run, 24, 44; Hooker and Kearny at, 54, 
74, 150, 228 

Bunker Hill, 164 

Burns, Robert, 329 

Burnside, Gen. A. E., 41 ; ordered to relieve 
McClellan, 43; at Roanoke and Antietam, 
44 ; in command of Army of the Potomac, 
44; marches on Fredericksburg, 44; his 
pontoon train, 44 ; a bad march, 45 ; per- 
sonal appearance, 45; battle of Fredericks- 
burg, 45 ; his Mud March, 50 ; lacked con- 
fidence in himself, 50 ; in East Tennessee, 
51 ; unfit to command Army, 56, 57, 132, 
136, 142, 151, 152; the Blunderer, 155, 223, 
232, 283, 292 

Busy at Nashville, 316, 322, 338 

Butler. Gen. B. F., 79 

" By the Eternal," 319 

" By the Left Flank, Forward ! " 144, 153 



Csesar, 120, 145, 163 

Cairo, 17, 176, 177, iSo, 181, 353 

California, 175 

Cameron, Hon. S., 18 

Campaigning and soldiering, 159 ; Who 
wouldn't be a soldier? 159 ; discomforts and 
hardships, 159 ; "policing," 160; rations and 
fuel, 160; foraging, 160; drill and march, 
and march and drill, 160 ; shelter tents, 161 ; 
hard march, 161; corduroy roads, 161 ; dig- 
ging trenches, 161; sentry duty, 162; get- 
ting "plugged," 162; malaria, 163; the 
battlefield, 163 ; losses in battle, 164, 165 ; 
what an army is. 165 ; different depart- 
ments, 166 ; commander in chief controls 



398 



Index 



all, 167; army disabilities, 167; pensions, 
168; victory pays for all, 169 ; Sherman on, 
169, 173 

Campbell, Judge, 86 

Camp Detestable, 222 

Camp life, around Washington and on Lower 
Potomac, 202, 206, 212, 214, 221 ; before 
Yorktown, 243 ; at night, 250 ; at Fair 
Oaks, 259, 260; in general, 280, 281, 287, 
291, 293, 299 

Capitol Hill, 195 

Carlyle and his "job of work," 144 

Carolinas, 60, ii8, 154, 163 

Carr, Gen. J. B., 64, 273, 275, 276 

Carson, Kit, 119; his personal appearance 
121 ; Sherman's opinion of him, 122 

Carthage, 179 

Casey, Gen. S., 203 

Casey's Division, 255, 258 

Catlett's Station, 74 

Cavalier, 139 

Cedar Creek, 128, 129, 144 

Cemetery Hill, 69 

Center grand division, 55 

Centreville, 25, 32. 33, 73-77, 273, 306, 309 

Century Magazine^ 61 

Cerro Gordo, 175 

Chain Bridge, 272 

Chalmers, Gen., at Nashville, 94 

Chancellorsville, Battle of, 57, 58, 60, 61, 67, 
151, 193, 194, 301, 302 

Chandler. Hon. Z., 18 

Changing uniforms, 265 

Chantilly, Kearny's death at, 34, 54, 273 

Chaplains, 217 

" Charge of the Light Brigade," 68 

Charleston, 336, 353 

Charleston Harbor, 20, 204 

Charley, 198, 205 

Charlotte Hall, 203 

Chattahoochie, 60, 114, 332 

Chattanooga, 18, 51, 59 ; battle of, 83, 135, 
140, 312; Grant en route there, and there, 
140-142; Sherman there, 150; Grant's or- 
ders there, 150, 157, 181-183, 186, 310, 317, 
331, 348, 349, 353 

Chelsea, 191, 194 

Chicago, 350; a great place, 351, 352 

Chickamauga, 22, 59; battle of, 82, 124, 140, 
182; " Rock of," 90 

Chickahominy, 27 ; malaria and misery there, 
27, 28, 259, 260 

Chickasaw Bluffs, 179 

Chief Assistant Quartermaster, 322 

China, 50 

Chivalry, 200; of Gen. Lee, 55,369, 370 

Christian Advocate^ 3, 200, 218, 279 ; a good 
Union paper, 299, 355 



Christmas present wanted, 208; Christmas 
box received, 211, 291, 292; Christmas din- 
ner, 315, 342 

Cincinnati, 60, 180, 309, 316 

City of Mexico, 175 

Clarksville, 222 

Climate of Tennessee, 333, 349 

Cloud's Mills, 271 

Cockpit Point, Va., 11, 52, 224, 226,235 

Coffin's Life 0/ Lincoln, 357 

Cold Harbor, 143 

Colfax, Hon. S., 313 

Colorado, 119 

Columbus, 166 

Commanding generals should be at front, 173 

Commissary Department, 166 

Confederate brigadiers gentlemen, loi 

Confederate camp, 227 ; hospital train after 
Gettysburg, 69 ; losses in Civil War, 165 ; 
prison fare, 268, 269; tribute to Yankees, 18 

Confederacy, cost of, 387, 391 

Congress thanks Thomas for Nashville, 377; 
and Sherman for Atlanta and Savannah, 
381 

Conqueror at Gettysburg, Meade as, 67 

Connecticut, 188 

Contrabands, 200, 222, 270 

Cook, Col. J., 197 

Cooke, Major G. B., 386 

Copperheads, 300, 332 

Corduroy roads, 161, 216 

Corinth, 123, 150, 178, 249,259 

Corps badges by Kearny and Hooker, 57 

Corps, cavalry, 25 

Corps, first, 55 ; second, 76 ; third, 4, 12, 29, 
35, 52, 304; fourth, 85, 92 ; fifth, — ; sixth, 
; ninth, 43; eleventh, 57, 59— at Chan- 
cellorsville, 303 ; twelfth, 59; sixteenth, 92 ; 
twentieth, 59; twenty-third, 85, 92, 187 

Corrals, 177 

Cost of the War, 387, 391 

Cotton States, 305 

Couch, Gen., 58 

Council of war at Williamsport, 70, 270 

Court-martial, 263 

Crimea, 193 

Criticism cheap and easy, 145 

Crittenden, Gen., 82 

Crittenden, Thos. J., 18 

Cromwell, Oliver, 18, 120, 136, 156, 169, 280 

Crosswicks, 319 

Croxton, Gen., at Nashville, 94, 98 

Cruft, Gen., at Nashville, 93 

Culpeper to Centreville and return, 73, 74 

Cumberland Department, 350 

Cumberland Gap, 135 

Cumberland River, 86, 176, 179, 183, 185, 195 

Cumberland Valley, 308 



26 



399 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



Daily Advertiser^ Newark. N. J., 359 

Dakota, 184 

Dalton, 114, 116 

Dana, Hon. C. A., compares losses of Grant, 
McClellan, Burnside, etc., 385 

Danville, 153 

Dantzic, Siege of, 153 

Davis, JeflFerson, 81, 119, 175,251 

"Dead March in Saul," 162 

Death in camp, 208, 218 

Death in hospital, 241 

Delaware, home of the whipping post, 80, 288 

" Delenda est Carthago,'''' 179 

Department of the Cumberland, 17, 195, 310, 
322 

Departments, Quartermaster, 166; Commis- 
sary, 166; Medical, 166; Pay, 166; Ord- 
nance, 166 

Destroying tents and baggage at Fair Oaks, 

29, 359 
Detestable camp and weather, 222, 223 
Diana, 191 
Digging, 162 

Dinwiddle Court House, Sheridan there, 131 
Disbursements by Gen. Rob't Allen, 187 
Disembarking horses at Ship Point, 242 
Disease in war, 165, 218 
Divine service in Alexandria, 277 
" Dixie's Land," 100, 167, 197, 226, 343 
Dodge, Gen. T. A., his estimate of Gen. 

Thomas, 371 
Donaldson, Gen. J. L., at Nashville, 93; talk 

with Grant, 137 ; in general, 186, 189, 311- 

313, 317, 318, 322, 337, 339, 342, 343, 345 
Donelson, Fort, 222 

Don't want to be buried down South, 204 
Douglas, Stephen A., 9, 10 
Down the Potomac, 235, 236 
Drill and march, 160 
Dumfries, 284 
Duties of commissary, 262 ; quartermaster, 

262 
Dyer, Rev. Heman, letter of Stanton to, 362 



I Engineer Corps, 67 
^ngland and Trent affair, 210 
^Turope, 186 

Evening Post, 381 

Ewell, Gen., 46 

Excelsior Brigade, 63 

Expedition to Cockpit Point, 225-230 

Exposures and hardships of soldiers, 159-163 



Early, Gen. Jubal, in Shenandoah Valley, 

127, 130 
East Tennessee, 187, 305, 316, 345 
Eastern Staff officers ordered West, 311 
Easton, Gen., 189 
Eastport, 181, 345 
Edwards, Rev. Wm.,206 
Effinger, Rev. John R., 204 
Election of 1864, 336 
Eleventh Corps, 57, 59 
Ellsworth, Col., 199, 202 
Emmittsburg, 307 



f5o. 



270, 



Fabius, Our American, 80 

Falling Water, 72. 

Falmouth worse than Valley Forge, 43, 45, 46, 
66, 161, 193, 286, 288, 306 

Fair Oaks, Battle of, 27, 255-258; campaign- 
ing there, 27, 28 ; destroying tents and bag- 
gage there, 29 ; Hooker and McClellan 
there, 35, 38 ; captured horse there, 47 ; 
Hooker's Division at, 53 ; Lee there, 
191 ; losses there, 259 

Fairfax Court House, 33, 45, 54, 75, 161, 
271, 273, 284, 285 

Fairfax Station, 75-77 

Farewell address of Lee to his army, 286 

Farragut, 140 

" Father Abraham," 299 

Fifteenth Amendment, President Johnson in 
favor of, 22 

Fifteenth U. S. C. T.,321 

Fifth Regiment, N. J. Vols., 10, 24, 63, 196, 
206, 211, 213, 225 

Fifty-sixth Pennsylvania, 236 

" Fight it out on this line if it takes all sum- 
mer," 143 

"Fighting Joe," 48, 52, 54, 276 

First Corps, Falmouth, 55 

First Massachusetts, 230 

First Maine Cavalry, 234 

First Jersey Brigade, 301 

First shot at Secesh and slavery, 209 

Fisher's Hill, 128 

Fisher, Surg. J. C, 196, 243 

Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., 356 

Fitzhugh House, 273 

Five Forks, Sheridan at, 132, 145, 153 

Flag of truce, 251 

Foote, Admiral, 221 

Foraging, 160 

Forrest, Gen. N. B., at Nashville, 89, 99; 
slave driver turned soldier, 133; his raid 
on Nashville, 334, 335 

Fort Corcoran, 276; Donelson, Grant's vic- 
tory there, 138,142,154, 176, 182,222 ; Ells- 
worth, 276 ; Garland, 120 ; Henry, 176, 222 ; 
Lyon, 273 — fine view from, 276, 278 ; Ma- 
gruder, 26 ; Morton, 341 ; Sumter, firing 
on, 10, 20 ; Ward, 276 ; Washington, 276; 
Wool, 242 ; Worth, 276, 278 
400 



Index 



Fortress Monroe, 79, 176, 192, 231-233, 236, | 127 ; visits Sheridan, 128 ; Sheridan comes 



268, 271, 300 

Forward March, 172, 189 

Fourth Corps, 85, 92 

Fourth of July at Nashville, 327, 349 

Franklin, Gen. W. B.. his indifference to 
Pope, 32, 38 ; his inaction at Fredericksburg, 
44, 46, 50 ; as commander, 56 ; at Second Bull 
Run, 150 

Franklin, Battle of, 86 

Franklin's Bridge, 290 

Franklin's Division, 54 

Frederick, Md., 307 

Frederick the Great, 15 ; his favorite maxim, 
61 

Fredericksburg, Battle of, 11, 14, 45, 47 ; losses 
there, 49, 50; a slaughter-house, 51, 55, 
67, 71, 77 ; Lee there, 150, 151, 161, 228, 
231, 283, 284, 289; battle of, 290, 294, 301, 

309 
Freese, Capt. J. R., 245 
Freestone Point, 207 
Freehold, 321 

Fremont, Gen. J. C, 175, 176 
French Princes at Fair Oaks, 35 
Front the place for commanders, 173 
Front of battle, 171 
Fuel for army, 163, 340 
Fugitive slaves, 61, 62 



Galena, Grant at, 138 

Gallant contrabands, 257 

Georgia, 118, 142, 163, 182, 186, 305, 336 

Germantown, 309 

Getting " plugged," 162 

Gettysburg, Mr. Lincoln prays for victory 
there, 12, 15. 17; in general, 58, 67, 69, 125, 
139, 142, 151, 154, i8i, 194; battle of, 306, 
308, 358 

Gilson, Helen L., 190, 194 

Glad they were soldiers, 169 

Glendale, 28 

God bless the flag ! 169 

"God's country," 137 

God's war, 15, 261 

Good news from everywhere, 205 ; from Wash- 
ington, 257 

Good quartermasters, 189 

Gordonville, 232, 283 

Grand Review at Washington, 60, 119 

Granger, Gen. Gordon, slow for Knoxville, 
no 

Grant, Gen. U. S., 3. 16, 125 ; Mr. Lincoln's 
faith in him at Vicksburg, 16 ; in general, 
22, 23, 51, 57, 59, 78, 79 ; en route to Chatta- 
nooga, 82 ; his victory there, 83 ; his opinion 
of Sherman, 119, 120; on Sheridan, 126, 



back, 130 ; council of war at City Point, 
131; orders Sheridan to attack Lee, 131; 
his " Mud March," 132 ; at Chattanooga, 
Knoxville, and Lexington, 135 ; at Nash- 
ville after Chattanooga, 135 ; personal 
appearance and traits, 135, 136 ; knew how 
to decide, 137 ; his interview with Gen. 
Donaldson, 137 ; wife comes to Nashville, 
137 ; goes to church on Sunday, 137 ; career 
before war, 138 ; seeks service under Mc- 
Clellan, but fails, 138 ; ignored by War 
Department, 138 ; gets Illinois regiment at 
last, 138 ; at Forts Henry and Donelson, 
138; "Unconditional Surrender Grant," 138; 
'* United States Grant," 138 ; at Pittsburg 
Landing, 138, 139 ; at Vicksburg, 139, 140 ; 
at New Orleans, 140; en route to Chatta- 
nooga, 141 ; his telegram to Thomas from 
Louisville, 141 ; at Chattanooga, 141, 142 ; 
relief of Knoxville, 142 ; at Nashville again, 
142; appointed Lieutenant General, 142; 
with Army of Potomac, 142 ; his strength 
and Lee's, 142, 143 ; Wilderness Campaign, 
143 ; at Spottsylvania and Cold Harbor, 
143 ; " By the Left Flank, Forward ! " 144 ; 
disgusts Lee and dismays him, 143, 144 ; 
his heavy losses, 144 ; before Petersburg, 
144-146 ; uses Sheridan, 144, 145 ; compels 
Lee's surrender, 145 ; Confederates sur- 
render, 145 ; his four great victories, 145 ; 
President Lincoln's opinion, 145 ; Sher- 
man's opinion, 146, 150 ; at Pittsburg Land- 
ing, 146; at Chattanooga, 150; his courage 
and prescience, 146-150; as an organizer 
and drillmaster, 150 ; as commander. 151 ; 
as Methodist, 151-155 ; ended Lee in a cam- 
paign, 155; the true type of Northern de- 
mocracy, 155 ; the consummate flower of 
American civilization, 155 ; the best repre- 
sentative of his age and time, 155 ; Lee not 
his superior nor equal, 155 ; Grant's su- 
preme mission, 156 ; his magnanimity and 
clemency, 157, 158 , in general, 163, 166, 
167, 174, 179, 181, 182, 221, 305, 312, 316, 325 : 
congratulations to Thomas on Nashville, 
372; urges Thomas to push Hood after 
Nashville, 375 ; recommends Thomas for 
major-general in regular army, 376 ; his 
injury at New Orleans, 384 ; his losses in 
Virginia, 384, 385 ; his "pass" to Gen. Lee 
after his surrender, 387 

Grapevine reports, 172 

Gravelly Run, Grant at, 131 

Great commanders previously quartermasters, 

174 
Greeley, Horace, 23 
Grover, Gen., 275, 277 



401 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



H \^ 

Hale, Nathan, 169 ^^ 

Hall, Adjutant C. K., 243, 245 

Hall Town, 128 

Halleck, Gen. H. W., orders McClellanto at- 
tack Lee, 40 ; after Antietam, 42 ; after 
Gettysburg, 71,123; on Sheridan, 129; per- 
mits Grant to move, 138, 140 ; at St. Louis, 
176 ; at Corinth, 178 ; at Washington. 179, 
268, 269, 301, 361 ; letter to, from Mr. Lin- 
coln, 368; urges Thomas to use up Hood's 
Army, 373 ; Thomas's reply, 374 

Hampton Roads, 237 

Hancock, Gen. W. S., at Williamsburg, 26-62 ; 
at Fredericksburg, 47, 48, 55 ; at Gettysburg, 
68 

Handbills at Nashville, 347 

Hankinson, Gen. Aaron, 261 

Happy New Year, 291, 314, 344 

Hard march, 45 

Harding, Gen., 323; his plantation, horses, 
slaves, etc., 324, 325 

Hardships and exposures, 45, 161,210, 297, 308 

Hardtack, 160 

Harper's Ferry, 81, 214 

Harrison's Landing, 26, 30-32,38,63,192,267, 
277, 360 

Hartwood, 292 

Hazen, Gen., 81, 124 

Hatch, Gen., at Nashville, 94, 98 

Havelock, Gen. Sir Henry, on personal 
bravery, 107 

Head of column, 172 

Health in camp, 196, 206, 218 

Heintzelman, Gen., 31 ; at Fair Oaks 
general, 63, 232, 237 

Helen L. Gilson, 191, 192 

Helena, 179 

Herbert, Geo., 323 

" Hermitage," 319 

Hickory canes from " The Hermitage,' 

Hill, Gen. A. P.. 46 ; at Bristoe, 76 

History looks at results only, 145 

History of Civil War in America, 4 

Hitchcock, Gen., 364-366 

" Home, sweet home ! " 214 

Homestead Bill, 19 

Horrors of war, 48, 161-168, 259 

Hood, Gen., 84; his Nashville campaign, 84; 
his hopes, 84 ; defeat at Franklin, 86 ; 
siege of Nashville, 88 ; fighting strength, 
88; misconception of Thomas, 90; crush- 
ing defeat, 94-96; first day at Nashville, 
95 ; second day at Nashville, 99-102 ; his 
character, 103 ; in general, 117, 120, 151, 187, 
335, 336, 338; at Nashville, 339, 342, 343, 
373 ; Mr. Lincoln's comment on him after 
Nashville, 379 



35; in 



319 



ooker, Gen, Joseph, 52; his Division, 11; 

Fredericksburg review, ii ; at Williams- 
burg, 26 ; at Fair Oaks, 27, 29 ; return to 
Yorktown and Alexandria, 31 ; his support 
of Pope, 32, 54; his reconnoissance at Fair 
Oaks, 35 ; at Fredericksburg, 48, 49 ; his 
personal appearance, 52 ; in Lower Mary- 
land, 53 ; at Williamsburg and Fair Oaks, 
53 ; in Seven Day's Battle, 53 ; loses Kearny, 
54, 120 ; " Fighting Joe," 32, 48, 54, 155 ; as 
Division Commander, 53 ; as Corps Com- 
mander, 55 ; at Antietam, 55 ; relieves 
Burnside, 55 ; in command of Army of 
Potomac, 56 ; does good work there, 56, 57 ; 
invented Corps Badges, 57 ; reorganizes 
army, 57 ; at Chancellorsville, 57 ; his 
march to Pennsylvania, 58 ; Meade fol- 
lowed his plans at Gettysburg, 58 ; or- 
dered West, 59 ; wanted author to ac- 
company him, 59; at Lookout Mountain, 
59; in Atlanta Campaign, 59; resigns com- 
mand, 60; at Cincinnati, 60 ; a good soldier 
and great commander, 60, 61 ; against 
Slavery, 61, 62; anecdotes of him, 61,66; 
his chivalry and courtesy, 63, 66 ; farewell 
to him, 66, 67 ; in general, 120, 136, 141, 
150-152, 166, 206, 207, 220, 221, 226, 231, 234, 
236; at Williamsburg, 244-246,250; at Fair 
Oaks, 255, 258, 264 ; at Savage Station, 265, 
272, 274; transferred to McDowell's Corps, 
274 ; in general, 277, 279, 283, 287, 292, 293, 
296, 297, 300, 301 ; at Chancellorsville, 302, 
303, 312, 313, 320; resigns, 330; commends 
the author, 393 

Hooker's Division, 52, 54, 55, 61, 161, 219 ; at 
Williamsburg, 244-247, 252, 274 ; at Chan- 
cellorsville, 303 

Hornbakers, 283 

Horses in camp, 196, 218, 321 

Horse-sense, 178 

Hospitals, 162, 166, 177, 241 

Hotspurs, 191 

Hunt, Gen., at Headquarters Army of the 
Potomac, 73 

Howard, Gen. O. O., at Chancellorsville, 57 ; 
in command of Fourth Corps, 60 ; promoted 
over Hooker, 60; at Gettysburg, 68 ; at 
Williamsport, 72 ; in front of Atlanta, 114 

Humphrey, Gen., at Gettysburg, 68 ; at Head- 
quarters Army of the Potomac, 73 

" Hurrah for the Union ! " 346 

Hygeia Hotel as a hospital, 238 



Illinois and Grant, 138 
In the trenches, 162 
Imboden, Gen., 69 
Indiana Cavalry, 236 



402 



Index 



Indianapolis, Ind., 176 

Indifference to danger, 260-263 

Ingalls, Gen. Rufus, 73, 189 

Inspections, Some idea of, 393-395 

Intelligent contrabands, 75 

Intemperance in army, 209 

Interview with Lincoln and Sickles, 12-181 
355. 358 

Intrenching, 162 

Island No. 10, 179 

J. 

Jackson, Andrew, 319 ; his residence and 
tomb, 319 

Jackson, Stonewall, 28 ; at Fredericksburg, 
46 ; at Chantilly, 54; his death at Chancel- 
lorsville, 58; in general, 133, 150, 151, 361, 
362 

James River, 28, 29, 53, 130, 143, 150, 152, 174, 
187, 192, 233, 264, 266, 267; bathing in, 267, 
368 

Jefferson, Thomas, 80 

Jersey Blues, 63, 207; Jersey Brigade at Wil- 
liamsburg, 252 : Jersey City, 357 ; Jersey 
turnpike, 220 

Jerseymen living in Virginia, 283 

" Job of work," A great, 144 

"John Barleycorn," 276 

"John Brown's body," etc., 223 

Johnson. Andrew, 19 ; advocated Homestead 
Bill, 19 ; his Union speech in U. S. Senate, 
1861, 19, 20; life threatened en route home, 
21; Military Governor of Tennessee, 21; 
Vice President, 21 ; his political apostacy, 
21-23 ; his character, 23 ; sought to arrest 
Lee, 157 ; at Nashville and Washington, 
326, 347 ; his letter for author, 343 

Johnson, Col. Adolphus J., 277 

Johnson, Willis Fletcher, 357 

Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 4, 60, 81; his At- 
lanta Campaign, m, 117 ; his surrender at 
Raleigh, 118,120 ; as Quartermaster Gene- 
ral, U. S. A., 178 
f Johnston, Capt. Thomas P., 243 

Joint resolution of Congress thanking Thomas 
for Nashville, 377 ; Shecman for Atlanta 
and Savannah, 381 

Julian the Apostate, 23 

K 

Kearny, Gen. Philip, at Williamsburg, 26, 
244-246, 2S5 ; at Fair Oaks, 27 ; his return 
to Yorktown and Alexandria, 31 ; his sup- 
port of Pope, 32, 54 ; his death at Chantilly, 
24i 54 ; li's body, sword, etc., returned by 
Lee, 55 ; compared with Sheridan, 133 ; let- 
ters of Gen. Lee returning his body, sword, 
horse, etc., 369,370; McClellan's reply, 370 

Kearny's Division, 54 



Kelly's Ford, 77 

Kenesaw Mountain, 112 

Kentucky Cavalry, 174 

Kentucky, 177, 183, 221, 326 

'' King of France," etc., 40 

Kilpatrick, Gen. Judson, at Williamsport, 7a 

Kingston, Ga., 184 

Knoxville, 51, 135, 142, 316, 345, 348, 349 



Lalor, Lt. D, K., 245, 247 

Landing horses at Ship Point, 242 

Latin, Lee might air hi;;, 40 

Lee, Robert n.. 30, 149; his contempt for 
McClellan, 31 ; at Antietam, 34, 41, 42 ; at 
Fredericksburg, 44, 46, 49 ; a Confederate 
game-cock, 51 ; returns Kearny's body, 
sword, etc., 55; at Gettysburg, 68, 69; at 
Williamsport, 69, 71 ; Culpeper to Centre- 
ville and return, 73, 74 ; baffles Meade, 77, 
120; Sheridan's Raids, 126; Lee and Sheri- 
dan, 127; at Five Forks and Appomattox, 
132; his surrender, 133, 1:42; his army at 
Petersburg robbed both the cradle and the 
grave, 144, 151 ; compared with Grant, 149; 
Lord Wolseley and others, 149 ; Lee failed 
to understand Secession, 149 ; was not loyal 
like Thomas, 149 ; in West Virginia, 150; 
at Fair Oaks, 150; in Seven Day's Battle, 
150 ; at Malvern Hill, 150 ; compared with 
McClellan and Pope, 150; at Antietam, 
150 ; at Fredericksburg, 151 ; at Chancellors- 
viile, 151; at Gettysburg, 151; in Mary- 
land and Pennsylvania, 152 ; in the Wilder- 
ness, 152; at Petersburg, 153; at Appomat- 
tox, 153 ; compared with Thomas and 
Sherman, 154 ; compared with Grant, 154 ; 
his antagonists, 155; analysis of Lee and 
Grant, 155 ; cannot rank with world's 
greatest commanders, 155, 156; his true 
place, 156; Grant surpassed him, 156; Lee's 
mission, 156 ; Grant's mission, 156 ; Grant 
in Lee's place, 156; Grant's magnanimity 
and clemency, 157 ; Lee in Grant's place, 
157; he would have marched through 
Richmond, 157, 187 ; Grant's generosity, 
157; our American triumvirate, 158; Lee 
a true type of Southern oligarchs, 155 ; 
a gentleman and patriot after his kind, 155 ; 
not Grant's superior or equal, 155, 251, 307 ; 
his surrender, 346; his letters returning 
body, sword, etc., of Gen. Kearny, 369, 370; 
McClellan's reply, 270; parole of self and 
staff, 385 ; farewell address to his army, 
386; his pass from Grant after surrender, 

387 
Lee, Rear Admiral S. P., congratulations to 
Thomas on Nashville, 372 



403 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



Left Grand Division, 56 

Libby Prison, Horrors of, 150, 162 

Life in hospital, 241 

Life at Nashville, 329 

Lincoln, Abraham, 9 ; " Honest Old Abe," 
9, 14; his debate with Douglas, 9 ; at Tren- 
ton, N. J., 9 ; inauguration, 9 ; support by 
Douglas, 10 ; first call for troops, 10 ; camp 
visits, 10; Falmouth review, n; on horse- 
back, 12; with Gen. Sickles, after Gettys- 
burg, 12, 355 ; prayers over Gettysburg and 
Vicksburg, 15, 16; religious faith, 17, 18, 355- 
358; his assassination, 17, 347; greatest figure 
of our Civil War, 18 ; at Hitirison's Land- 
ing, 39; estimate of McClellan's losses on 
Peninsula, 39, 40 ; orders McClellan to at- 
tack Lee after Antietam, 42, 43 ; relieves 
McClellan, 43 ; relieves Burnside, 50, 55 ; 
his Proclamation of Emancipation, 56, 59, 
67,69,81; rejoiced by Atlanta, 117, 120; 
congratulations to Sheridan, 129; with 
Grant at City Point, 131 ; his sine qua non 
of Virginia Campaign, 143; his opinion of 
Grant, 145, 152, 158 ; his story of an Illinois 
runaway, 163; in general, 178, 186, 261, 
299, 301, 313, 326 ; his reelection, 336, 343, 
355-359, 362, 364, 366-368 ; his thanks to 
Thomas for Nashville, 372 ; his little story 
on Hood after Nashville, 379 

Lincoln and Johnson, 336 

" Little Mac," 26, 28, 31, 34, 41, 43, 150, 251 

Little Napoleon, 37 

Liverpool Point, 235 

Logan, Gen. John A., ordered to Nashville, 
102 ; halts at Louisville, 103 ; returns to 
Washington, 103 ; inferior to Thomas, 104 ; 
Thomas aggrieved by his appointment, 377 

Long Bridge, 197 

Long, Rev. D. A,, 355, 356 

Longstreet, Gen. James, at Fredericksburg, 
46, 51 ; at Gettysburg, 69; in general, 133, 
150, 154. 251 

Lookout Mountain 



battle of. 



182, 



59, 102, 3t2, 
331, 332 ; visit to, 331 

Lookout Rock, 332 

Losses of Confederates at Fredericksburg, 49 ; 
at Gettysburg, 69 ; at Nashville, 95, 101; in 
Nashville Campaign, 103; at Donelson, 
157 ; at Vicksburg, 157 ; at Appomattox, 

157 

Losses in battle, 163, 165 ; in Franco-German 
War, 164 ; in Crimean War, 164 ; in Mex- 
ican War, 164; in Revolutionary War, 164; 
in Civil War, 164 ; in Spanish War, 165 ; 
in Fair Oaks, 259 ; in Fredericksburg, 49, 
56 

" Lost Cause " ground to powder, 156 

Louisiana, 163, 380 

404 



Louisville, 182, 185, 187, 353 
iRouisville Railroad, 328 
Lower Chesapeake, 364 
Lower Potomac, 207 
Loyal Legion, 358 
Lucifer, 22 

M 

MacCallum, Gen. D. C, escapes from 

Wheeler, 115, 116, 331 

Magenta, 252 

Magruder, Gen., 251 

Mahone, Gen. Wm., 151 

" Make a spoon or spoil a horn," 16, 157 

Malvern Hill, 28 ; Lee there, 153, 154 

Mammoth Cave, 328, 334 

Manassas Junction, 45, 54, 161, 269, 270, 272, 
273, 282, 284, 290 

" Manual of Arms," 160 

Marathon, 68 

March, a hard, 45, 161 ; to Alexandria, 197 ; 
into Maryland, 204, 205, 284 

Marengo, 24 

Marietta, 114 

Marshall House, 198, 199, 202 

Marshall, Lt. Col. Chas., 386 

Marye's Hill, 47 ; assault on, 48, 49 

Maryland, 11 ; Lee's invasion a mistake, 152, 
225, 226, 232 

Maryland slaves, 61, 219 

Mason and Slidell affair, 210 

Massachusetts, 188 

Massachusetts, First Regiment, 226 

Massachusetts soldiers on slavery, 62 

Mattewoman Creek, 229 

Mattewoman River, 224 

Maximilian, 327 

McClellan, Gen. Geo. B., 3, 4 ; in West Vir- 
ginia, 24; in command of Army of Poto- 
mac, 24 ; his personal appearance, 25 ; at 
Yorktown, 26 ; at Williamsburg, 26, 27 ; at 
Fair Oaks, 27 ; at Seven Day's Battle, 
Malvern Hill, etc., 28; his baggage-destroy- 
ing order, 29, 359; under shelter of gun- 
boats at Harrison's Landing, 30 ; retreat to 
Yorktown, 31 ; did not support Pope 
heartily, 31, 33; drifted into command 
again, 34; his Antietam Campaign, 34; 
ordered to Trenton, N. J., 35 ; his personal 
courage, 35; popularity with army, 36; as 
a scholar, 36 ; as an organizer and com- 
mander, 36, 37: the Unready or Little 
Napoleon, 37, 155 ; as candidate for Presi- 
dent, 37; as Governor, N. J., 37; his 
strength and losses on Peninsula, 38, 40 ; his 
delay after Antietam, 41-43; talk of making 
him dictator, 43 ; relieved and ordered to 
Trenton, N. J., 43. 44, 5i, 56, 57 ; his Mary- 
land slave order, 61 ; in general, 120, 127, 



Index 



136, 138, 143, 150, 152, 163, 192, 215, 216, 223^ 

232, 233, 236; at Williamsburg, 246, 248,250, 
252 ; his orders to quartermasters, 257 ; at 
Fair Oaks, 258, 263, 302, 333 ; on Pope, 360, 
361 ; on Lincoln and his Cabinet, 367 ; pro- 
posed disobedience of orders, 368 ; letter to 
Lee relating to Kearny, 370 ; his losses com- 
pared with Grant's, 284, 385 

McCall, Gen., 38 

McClure's Magazine^ 385 

McCook, Gen., 82 

McCuUough, Capt. William, 261 

McDowell, Gen. Irwin, 31,55, 74, 364.365 

McLaws, Gen., 151 

McKinstry, Gen,, 175 

McPherson, Gen., Death of, 60, 120, 151 

Meade, Gen. Geo, G., 11, 13, 14, 17, 67; at Fred- 
ericksburg, 46, 55, 58 ; in Mexico, 67 ; at 
Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, 67 ; in 
command of Army of Potomac, 67 ; per- 
sonal appearance, 67 ; at Gettysburg, 67, 69 ; 
personal traits, 72, 73 ; delay at Williams- 
port excusable, 71 ; campaign from Culpep- 
er to Centreville and return, 73, 74 ; 
believed Fredericksburg was the true route 
to Richmond, 77 ; good-by to author, 
75, 79 ; outwitted by Lee, 79 ; a great com- 
mander, 79, 120; interview with Sheridan, 
126 ; in general, 133, 136, 142, 144, 150, 151 ; 
a good, safe commander, 155, 166, 309, 368; 
congratulations to Thomas on Nashville, 
372 

Medical Department, 166 

Meigs, Gen. M. C, 180, 183, 342, 364-366; 
commends the author, 393 

Memoirs of Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, etc., 3 

Memphis, 179-181, 345, 346, 353 

Meridian, 181 

Meridian Hill, 202, 204 

" Merrimac " in Hampton Roads, 239 ; her 
appearance, 240, 242 

Merry Christmas, 314 

Methodism in Tennessee, 316 

Methodist Episcopal Church, 219 ; Grant's 
attendance there, 137 ; his Methodist birth 
and training, 151; an honor to said Church, 

Mexico, 67, 80, 136, 138, 174, 175 

Middletown, 307 

Military railroading, 311 

Mill Springs, 81 

Miller, Brigadier Gen., at Nashville, 93 

Mine Run, 77, 78 

Minerva, 191 

Missionary Ridge, 124, 182, 312, 331, 332 

Mississippi, 16, 17, 139, 154, 163, 179, 181-183, 

345» 346 
Missouh, 182 



Mobile, 118, 140, 142, 345, 353 

Mobile and Ohio Railroad, 139 

Money disbursed by Gen. Allen, 187 

" Monitor," her appearance, 238, 240, 242 

Montana, 182 

Montgomery', Gen., 198-200, 203 

Monument to Miss Gilson, 194 

Moore, Gov. O., 380 

Moore, Rev, S. T,, 220 

Morals of the army, 196 

Mosby's Cavalry, 33 

Moscow, 118 

" Moses," 205, 241, 257 

Moses from Sinai, 15 ; Andrew Johnson as, 22 

" Mother Bickerdyke," 190 

Mott, Gen. Gershom, at Williamsburg, 63,64 ; 

in general, 197, 225, 228, 229, 243, 277, 301 ; at 

Chancellorsville, 302 ; recommends the 

author for promotion, 391 
Mount Vernon, 201, 204, 222 
Moving troops into East Tennessee, 345 
Mud before Yorktown, 242 
" Mud March," Burnside, 50,55, 294 
Munson's Hill, 199 
Murat, Marshal, compared with Sheridan, 

133 
Murfreesboro, 81, 164, 179 
Mustered out, 353 

N 

Napoleon, 37, n8, 120, 136, 145, 155, 171 

Nashville, 21, 22, 78; campaign and battle of, 
84, 105; situation, 88; in general, 135, 142, 
151, 154, 183, 185-187, 189, 222, 310; winter 
ill 313, 315 ■> army work there, 322; a great 
depot, 322; patriotism of, 327, 328; siege 
of, 339, 342 ; battle of, 341 

" Naugatuck," her appearance, 240, 241 

Navajos, 121 

Newbern, 232 

New England, 191 

New Hampshire, 188 

New Jersey Brigade, Second, 52, 206, 207, 216, 
231, 235, 238; at Yorktown, 243; at Wil- 
liamsburg, 244, 245, 247, 252 ; at Fair Oaks, 
255,260; Seven Day's Battle, 264, 266 ; in 
general, 268, 280 ; at Manassas Junction, 
282; at Falmouth, 286, 300; at Boscobel, 
302, 304 

New Jersey Conference, 317 ; Methodists, 
299 ; Peace Legislature, 298 

New Jersey, Fifth Regiment, 10, 24, 63, 196, 
206, 211, 213, 225, 235, 245, 249; Sixth Regi- 
ment, 206, 230, 245, 249 ; Seventh Regiment, 
206, 230, 245, 249, 259 ; Eighth Regiment, 
206, 249, 259, 277 ; Thirty-fifth Regiment, 
321 

New Kent Court House, 249 

New Mexico, 182 



40s 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



New Orleans, 140, 164, 182, 249, 353 

Newport News, 239 

New York, 152, 188 

Ne-w York Tribune^ 357 

" Nigger catchers," 62 

Nightingale, Florence, 193 

Ninth Corps, 43 

Norfolk, 233, 239, 249 

North Carolina, 331 

Not sorry they were soldiers, 168 

Number of battles in Civil War, 164; enlist- 
ments in, 165; Union killed and wounded 
in, 165; Confederate killed and wounded 
in, 165 ; in war with Spain, 165 



" Obey orders," 49, 159, i66, 349 

Occoquan, 285 

Ocean Grove, 356, 357 

Officers at Nashville, 186 

Official report of Atlanta campaign, i86 

Ohio, 183, 185 

"Old Brains," 176 

" On to Richmond," 28, 253, 257 

Ooray, head chief of Utes, 122 

Opequan, 128, 144 

Orange and Alexandria Railroad, 306 

Ordnance Department, 166 

Osmond, Dr., 283 

Overton Knobs, 98; the fighting there, 100 



Pacific coast, 175 

Panic at Fair Oaks, 256 

Paris, Comte de, 4, 26 ; in error as to wagon 

trains, 77, 163 
Parker, Gov, Joel, 301 
Parole of Gen. Lee and staff, 385 
Parturiunt monies^ etc., 40 
Patterson, Gen. Rob't, 81 
Patterson, Gen. Frank, 245, 248, 251,256,275, 

277 ; his death, 285 
Patriotism at Nashville, 327 
Patterson, Major A. H., 321 
Pay Department, 166 
Pay of soldiers, 168 
Paymaster around, 206 
Pea Ridge, 179 

Peach Tree Creek, Battle of, 60, 112, 170 
Peninsula, 27, 31, 37, 38, 44, 53, 54,67,74, 163, 

191 ; in 1862 crowded with soldiers, 250 
Pennington Seminary, 219 
Pennsylvania, 59, 61 ; Lee's invasion of, a 

political blunder, 152, 306; patriots, 307; 

reserves, Meade with, 67 
Pensacola, 213 
Pensions, 168 
Perrine, Quartermaster General, 301 



Personal bravery, 171 

PItersburg, 127; Grant there, 127, 128; Lee 

evacuates, 132, 133; Lee at, 144; doomed, 

152, 153; Titanic wrestle of Grant and Lee 

there, 153, 154, 346 
Peyton, Lt. Col. H. E., 386 
Philadelphia, 152, 306 
Philadelphia Press, 35S 
Phillips, Dr. John H., 314 
Phillips' House at Falmouth, 48 
Pickets at Fredericksburg, 288 
Pickett, Gen,, his charge at Gettysburg, 68, 

69, 151 
Pittsburg Landing, 81; Grant there, 138, 146, 

178 
Place of Lee in history, 158; of Grant, 158 
Plataea, 68 
Plutarch, 327 
"Policing," i6o 
Politics a queer profession and sad business, 

23 
" Ponj'," 196, 272 
Pope, Gen. John, 31, 32; his gallant fighting, 

33; his defeat at second Bull Run, 34,44, 

54, 150; the Overbold, 152 ; in general, 155, 

179, 360 
Porter, Admiral, 139, 140 
Porter, Gen. Fitz John, 33 ; failed Pope, 33; 

his court-martial, 33 ; restoration, 34 ; at 

second Bull Run, 150; at Savage Station, 

265; on Pope, 360 
Porter's Division, 54 
Port Republic, 268 
Port Tobacco, 230 
Portsmouth, i88 
Potomac, 25, 58, 70, 151 
Preaching in Alexandria, 277 
Preface, 3 

Presbyterian Church, 321 
Proclamation of Emancipation, effect on 

army, 56, 278, 279, 313 
Promoted, 203, 257, 261, 280 
Puritan against cavalier, 159 



Quaker guns at Centreville, 25 

Quarterly Review, 320 

Quartermaster Department, 166 ; the business 
department of the army, 174; its evolution 
in Civil War, 174 

Quartermaster's duty, 262 

Quartermaster General's report i860, 177; 
report 1865, 178 ; report 1863, 180 

Quartermasters, Good, essential to great com- 
manders, 174; quartermasters afterward 
commanders, 174, 189 

Quartermasters ill, 249 

Quarters at Nashville, 313 



406 



Index 



Rainbow from Lookout Mountain, 332 

Raleigh, 118 

Randolph, Hon. Geo. W., 369 

Rapidan, 70, 79, 143, 144, 152 

Rappahannock River, 47, 49, 50, 58, 73, 74, 
151, 288, 291, 301 

Rappahannock Station, 74 

Rations by Hooker, 57, 160 

Ravages of war, 253 

Rawlins, Gen. John A., talks with Sheridan 
and Grant, 132 

Read, Thomas Buchanan, his " Sheridan's 
Ride," 129, 383 

Rear of battle, 171 

Rebellion, Cost of the, 39, 387 

Rectortown, 43 

" Red Patch " Division, 57 

Regiment suffered most, 164 

Repair shops, 177 

Revere, Gen. J. W., 64 

Reynolds, Gen. J. F., 29 ; fell at Gettysburg, 
68 

Richmond, 26, 27, 30, 31, 44, 53, 77, 130 ; 
Grant's campaign against, 143, 144 ; aban- 
doned, 145 ; doomed, 153, 157; in general, 
163, 191, 228, 232, 236, 249, 252, 255, 2S7, 
259, 268, 283, 293, 305, 346, 361, 363, 368 

Ride to Mount Vernon, 201 

Right Grand Division, 55 

Ripley, Gen., 364, 366 

Rip-Raps, 242 

Roads, Army, 214, 216, 217, 221, etc. 

Roanoke Island, 44 

Rob the cradle and the grave, 144 

Rocky Mountains, 119, 135, 340 

Rodgers, Capt., 30 

Rosecrans, Gen. W. S., 22 ; in West Virginia, 
24; at Stone River, 81; at Chickamauga, 82, 
124, 127; against Lee in West Virginia, 150; 
in general, 179, 182, 305 

Rucker, Gen. D. H., 189 

Rum Point, xi, 52, 213, 218, 220, 225, 226, 229, 
233. 235. 237 

Rupert, 156 

Rusling, Gen. J. F., prior to war, 4 ; army 
record, 4; with Lincoln at Trenton, 9; at 
Washington, D. C, 10 ; entering U. S. serv- 
ice, 10, 24; at Fredericksburg review, 11 ; 
interview with Lincoln and Sickles after 
Gettysburg, 12, 18, 355, 358 ; in Senate 
Chamber, March, 1861, ig; Wigfall against 
the Union, and Johnson's reply, 20, 21 ; 
Johnson as President in favor of Fifteenth 
Amendment, 22 ; did not apostatize with 
Johnson, 23 ; first promotion at Fair Oaks, 
26; march to Centreville, 30, 31; not at 
Antietam, 42 ; from Manassas to Fal- 

407 



mouth, 45 ; at Fredericksburg, 47i 48 ; at 
Rum Point, 52 ; at Chancellorsville, 57 ; 
promoted Lt. Col., 58; Hooker asks for 
him, 59 ; at Williamsburg, 63 ; with Hooker, 
64-66; with Meade, 70, 71; at Williams- 
port, 72 ; at Headquarters Army of the 
Potomac, 72, 73; crossing the Rappahan- 
nock, etc., 74; at Brentsville, 75; orders 
from Meade, 75 ; at Bristoe, 76; at Centre- 
ville, 77 ; ordered West, 78 ; last interview 
with Meade, 78 ; at Nashville, 86, 87, 93, 99 ; 
at Overton Knobs, 100; talk with a Con- 
federate brigadier, loi ; dines Confederate 
brigadiers, 101 ; promoted full Colonel for 
Nashville, 105; at Atlanta, 112; visits 
Sherman before Atlanta, 112, 114; escapes 
Wheeler's Raid, 114, 1x7 ; with Sherman in 
Rocky Mountains, 119, 122 ; visits Kit Car- 
son, 120, 122; with Miss Gilson at the White 
House and on James River, 191, 192 ; Army 
Letters, 195 ; at Washington and Alexan- 
dria, 195, 206; on Lower Potomac, 207; at 
Fortress Monroe, 237, 241 ; at Yorktown, 
242 ; at Williamsburg, 244, 247 ; up the 
Peninsula, 248, 255 ; at Fair Oaks, 255, 260; 
promoted Capt. and A. Q. M., 257, 261 ; be- 
lieves in war, 261 ; against Slavery, 261, 262 ; 
at Savage Station, 265; at White Oak 
Swamps, 265 ; in Seven Days' Battle, 266; 
at Malvern Hill, 267 ; home on " sick leave," 
267; at Fairfax C. H., 273 ; at Fort Lyon, 
276 ; at church in Alexandria, 277; at Fort 
Worth, 278 ; on Proclamation of Emancipa- 
tion, 279 ; settles accounts with U. S. as 
Division Q. M., 280; on Gen. Sickles, 281 ; 
at Manassas Junction, 282, 283; at Centre- 
ville and Fairfax C. H., 285 ; at Occoquan, 
285; on Gen. Patterson, 286; at Falmouth, 
286-289; in winter quarters, 293 ; atAcquia 
Creek, 295; at an army wedding, 297; on 
army Sundays, 298 ; on Copperheads, 298 ; 
on Christian Advocate, 299 ; at Chancel- 
lorsville, 3ot, 303 ; promoted Lt. Col., 304 ; 
at Boscobel, 302, 305 ; on "sick leave," 305 ; 
not at Gettysburg, 306; at Washington, 306; 
interview with Lincoln and Sickles, 307; 
at Fredericksburg, 307 ; at Headquarters 
Army of the Potomac, 309 ; at Cincinnati, 
309; at Nashville, 310; as Chief Q. M. 
Military Roads, 310; as Chief Assistant 
Q. M., 312, 313; on Bishop Simpson, 316; 
at " The Hermitage," 319 ; his work at 
Nashville, 322, 338 ; at Gen. Harding's, 323, 
325; on Abraham Lincoln, 326 ; at Mam- 
moth Cave, 328; at Chattanooga and At- 
lanta, 331, 332 ; on *' substitutes," 332, 333 ; 
on Thanksgiving Day, 337; acting Chief 
Q. M. at Nashville, 339; at siege and bat- 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



tie of Nashville, 339, 342 ; commended by 
Andrew Johnson, 343 ; his life at Nashville, 
343 ; watches things by telegraph, 346 ; on 
Lee's surrender, 346 ; on Lincoln's assas- 
sination, 347 ; promoted full Colonel, 348 » 
report on the Department of the Cumber- 
land, 350; ordered to Chicago, 350; at Chi- 
cago, 351, 352 ; ordered East, 352 ; home 
again, 352; inspections South and West, 
352 ; promoted Brigadier General and mus- 
tered out, 353; commendations of Generals 
Mott, Berry, Donaldson, Meigs, Hooker, 
Thomas, Sherman, etc., 391, 395— by Pres- 
ident Johnson and Secretary of War, 391, 
394. 395 

Rusling, Lt. W. J., 211; promoted, 223, 259; 
as Division Ambulance Officer, 296 

Russia and Russian bear, 210 



Sailor's Creek, Sheridan there, 132, 145 

Salisbury, 268, 269 

San Francisco, 188 

Sandt, Quartermaster Serg't, 243, 284 

Sarragosa, siege of, 153 

Savage Station, 28, 29, 255, 265 

Savannah, 60, 113, 118, 142, 144, 154, 187, 336, 

343^ 348. 353 

Schurz, Gen, C, at Chancellorsville, 57 

Scipio, 179 

Scofield, Gen., 85 : at Franklin, 86 ; at Nash- 
ville, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96. 98, 99; in front of 
Atlanta, 114; proposed appointment broke 
Thomas's heart, 378 

Scott, Gen. Winfield, 175 

Sebastopol, Siege of, 153. 252 

Secesh quarters, 200; trophies, 221 ; lady, 222 

Secessia, 251 

Secession a sophism, 149, 152 ; Thomas un- 
derstood it, 152 ; its corner stone Slavery, 
152 

Second N. J. Brigade. See N. J. Brigade, 
Second. 

Sedan, siege of, 153 

Sedgwick, Gen. John, at Fredericksburg, 58, 
154 

Seminary, Pennington, 219 

Seminary Ridge, 69 

Sentry duty, 162 

Sermon in Alexandria, 277 

Sermons in camp, 217 

Seven Days' Battle, 28, 38, 53, 57, 60, 78; 
Jackson and Longstreet there, 150; Lee 
there, 153, 192 

Seven Pines, 191 

Seventh N. J., 230 

Seward, W. H , 15, 18, 20, 23 

Sewell, Capt. W. J., 201 



Shell's Point, 242 
^^marp, Surgeon, 228 

Sharpe, Gen. Geo. H., 386 

Sharpsburg, 41 

Shelling batteries on Lower Potomac, 207, 208 

Shelling Cockpit Point, 224 

Shellmire, Capt., 268 

Shelter tents, 161 

Shenandoah Valley, Sheridan there, 127, 130; 
the Paradise of Virginia, 130 ; cleaned out 
by Sheridan, 130 ; locks "backdoor" there, 
144, 268 

Sheridan, Gen. P. H.,3; in the Valley, 35, 51, 
70. 120, 123 ; career before war, 123 ; first 
duty in Civil War, 123 ; before Corinth, 123 ; 
promoted Brigadier General, 123 ; at Stone 
River, 124; at Chickamauga, 124; ordered 
to Army of Potomac, 124; his personal ap- 
pearance, 124, 125 ; as " Little Phil," 125 ; 
his opinion of Jeb Stuart, 126 ; his raid 
around Lee's right, 126 ; around Lee's 
left, 126; in Shenandoah Valley, 127, 130; 
smashes Early, 127, 129 *, at Winchester, 
128; at Fisher's Hill, 129; at Cedar Creek, 
129 ; congratulations from Lincoln and 
Stanton, 129 ; cleans out the Valley, 
130 ; raid around Richmond, 130 ; gets 
back to Grant, 130; in council of war 
with Grant and Sherman, 131 ; ordered to 
attack Lee, 131 ; not " stuck in the mud," 
131; at Dinwiddie C, H., 131; with Grant 
and Rawlins, 132 ; at Five Forks, 132 ; at 
Sailor's Creek, 132 ; at Appomattox, 132 ; 
Lee's surrender, 133 ; compared with others, 
133 ; a great commander, 133 *, Grant's right 
hand, 133; Grant's opinion, 134; Hurrah 
for Sheridan! 134; his charger, 131; in 
general, 141, 151, 153, i66, 167, 174, 175; 
congratulations to Thomas on Nashville, 
372 ; his absence from Cedar Creek justified, 
381, 382 

" Sheridan's Ride," 383 

Sherman, Gen. W. T., 3, 20, 22, 51, 106; at 
Atlanta, 35 ; not fair to Hooker, 60 ; his 
opinion of Nashville, 104 ; his personal ap- 
pearance, 106; his career prior to war, 107; 
his loyalty to the Union, 108; in Kentucky, 
108 ; at Pittsburg Landing, 108 ; at Vicks- 
burg, log; at Memphis, 109; his march 
to Chattanooga, 109 ; leaves Knoxville, 
no; report on Knoxville, no; assigned 
to the Military Division of the Missis- 
sippi, no; his Atlanta Campaign, ni, 
his strength, in; at Kenesaw Moun- 
tain and Peach Tree Creek, 112 ; in front of 
Atlanta, 113 ; his outfit when campaigning, 
113; not disturbed by Wheeler's Raid. 117; 
captures Atlanta, n7; his March to the Sea 



4Q8 



Index 



and through the CaroHnas, 117, 118; cap- 
ture of Savaitnah, 118; consulted Census 
Reports, 118; compared with Napoleon, 
118 ; Grant's opinion of hb great march, 
119; Stanton and the Grand Review, 119; 
in the Rocky Mountains, 119, 122; on Kit 
Carson, 122 ; in council at City Point with 
Grant and Sheridan, 131, 139 ; did not pro- 
test against Vicksburg, 139, 141 ; his opinion 
of Grant, 146, 150, 151, 166, 167; his ideas 
on war, battles, etc., 169, 173 ; in general, 
174, 179, 181-184, 186, 187, 312; moves on 
Atlanta, 323, 325, 330, 332-336 ; his letter to 
Gov. Moore of Louisiana, 380 

Sherman's March, 70, 117, iz8 

Sherman, John, 108 

Shiloh, 81 

Shipping Point, 207, 208, 224, 226, 230 

Ship Point, 237, 238, 242 

Sick soldiers, 27, 28, 162, 259 

Sick quartermasters, 249 

Sickles, Gen. D. E., his interview with Presi- 
dent Lincoln after Gettysburg, 12; his 
wound at Gettysburg and splendid fighting 
there, 12, 13 ; at Gettysburg, 12, 14-16, 18, 
68, 277, 306 ; wounded at Gettysburg, 306 ; 
arrival in Washington, 307 ; visited by Lin- 
coln and Rusling, 307, 309, 310, 355-358 ; 
commends the author, 393 

Siege, Lee never conducted a great one, 157 ; 
Grant did, and always won, 157 

Siege of Nashville, 339, 342 

Sigel, Gen. Franz, at Chancellorsville, 51, 57; 
in general, 285, 290 

Simpson, Bishop, 206, 316 

'* Sick leave," 64, 65 

Sixteenth Corps, 92 

Sixth N. J., 230 

Skedaddle, 28 

Slaughterhouse at Fredericksburg, 51 

Slave order by McClellan, 61 ; Massachusetts 
soldiers on, 62 ; Hooker's action on, 62 

Slave pen at Alexandria, 199 

Slavery hated, 223 

Slavery in Virginia, 253, 254; in Tennessee, 325 

Slaves at Falmouth, 193 

Slocum, Gen., 290 

Smith, Gen. A. J., at Nashville, 86,87,92-96, 
98,99 

Smith, Gen. G., 251 

" Smith's Guerrillas," 88 

Snow in camp, 299 

Soldier's Home, 13 

Soldiers in action, 170 

Soldiers indifferent to shot and shell, 260-263 

Soldiers' pay, 168 

Soldiering, 159 

Soldiers' remittances home, 206 



Sorties, 162 

South Carolina, 20, 904 

South Mountain, 308 

Sovereign, Chaplain Thomas, 199; a brave 
old man, 275, 284 

Southern Confederacy a hideous nightmare, 
145 ; a political blunder, 145 ; assets at Ap- 
pomattox, 145; a thing doomed, 152; a 
pirate ship, 149 ; its corner stone Slavery, 
149 ; cost of, 387, 391 

Spottsylvania, 143 

Springfield, 111., Grant at, 138; in general, 
^75-177* I79» 180, 182 

Spring in Tennessee, 326 

Stafford, army there, 11, 45, 48, 151 

Stanton, E. M., 15, 17, 20,22; after Antietam, 
42, 59,78, 81 ; on Meade, 79, 119; on Sheri- 
dan, 127 ; congratulations to Sheridan, 129, 
140 ; refuses Allen to Sherman, 184, 301, 361 ; 
his reply to McClellanism, 362, 367 ; never 
taken for a fool, 366 ; believes God Almighty 
founded this Government, and expects to 
stand before Him in judgment, 366; sup- 
ported McClellan with the whole power of 
the Government, 366; desires no office or 
honor, and is not a candidate for any, 365, 
366; his thanks to Thomas on Nashville, 
371 ; stands by Thomas, 275 ; makes Thomas 
Major General, U. S. A., 376; commends 
the author, 394, 395 

" Star of the West," 20 

Starr, Col. S. H., 201, 206, 220, 225, 235, 237, 
238, 243 ; relieved of brigade, 247, 248 

State Gazette^ 357 

Steedman, Gen., at Nashville, 89, 92, 93, 98,99 

Stephens, Alex. H., said Slavery was the cor- 
ner stone of Southern Confederacy, 149 

Stoneman, Gen. Geo., 302 

Stone River, 81, 123, 164 

Stuart, Gen. Jeb, at Williamsport, 73 ; Sher- 
idan's opinion, 126 ; his death, 126 ; a Prince 
Rupert, 133 

St. Louis, Grant at, 138, 175-177, 179, 180, 182 

Stokes, Rev. E. H., 356 

Storehouses, 177 

'* Substitutes," 332, 334 

Sumner, Chas., 20, 23 

Sumner, Gen. Ed., 27 ; as commander, 55, 246, 
264, 272, 289 

Sumter, 175 

Sunday in the army, 195, 196, 198, 213, 216, 278, 
298 

" Sunny South," 315, 316 

Surrender of Lee, 346 

Supplies by Gen. Robt. Allen, 188, 189 

Supporting battery, 172 

Sunday raid and escape, 115 

Swinton's Army of the Potomac, 4^ 163 



409 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 



" Tad Lincoln," 13 

Takes a man's weight in lead to kill him in 
battle, 164 

Taylor, Gen., 364 

Taylor, Gen. Zachary, 174 

Taylor, Lt. Col. W. H., 385 

Tefft, Rev. Dr., 233 

Tennessee, 19, 21, 51, 60, 78, 159, 163, 176, 177, 
179, 182, 183, 185; climate of, 333 

Tennessee River, 331 

Tennyson, Alfred, his " Charge of the Light 
Brigade," 68 ; his Ode on the Duke of 
Wellington, rsi 

Tent life, 161, 202, 204, 206, 221, 299 

Texas, 163 

Thanksgiving Day, 1864, 337 

Thiers, 163 

Third Corps, See Corps, Third. 

Thirty-fifth N. J., 321 

Thomas, Gen. Geo. H., 80, 20, 22, 59, 78 ; his 
early life and personal appearance, 80; his 
Union wife, 80 ; his loyalty and fidelity, 81 ; 
at Harper's Ferry, 81 ; at Mill Springs, 81 ; 
at Pittsburg Landing, 81 ; in Atlanta Cam- 
paign, 83; Sherman's confidence in him, 
84; his Nashville Campaign, 84 ; his troops 
at Nashville, 85 ; preparations for defense, 
85; after Franklin, 86; interview with 
Scofield, Wood, and Smith, 87 ; his 
strength at Nashville, 88 ; Hood menaces 
his communications, 88 ; no real danger 
there, 89 ; he waits for Hood and tempts 
him, 90 ; the " Rock of Chickamauga," 90 ; 
his soldiers' " Old Pap Tom," 90 ; reasons 
of his delay, 91 ; Grant dissatisfied, and 
orders Logan to relieve him, 92 ; Thomas 
fights, and Logan arrives too late, 92 ; his 
plan of battle, 92, 93 ; his first day's battle, 
93i Q5 ; his second day's battle, 96, loi ; the 
terrific fighting on both days, 99, 100 ; trib- 
ute of Confederate brigadier to Yankees, 100, 
loi ; heavy Confederate losses at Nashville, 
loi ; his pontoons went astray, 102 ; Union 
and Confederate losses in the campaign, 
103 ; Lincoln, Grant, Stanton, Meade, and 
Sheridan congratulate Thomas,but Sherman 
in lacheSy 104 ; Congress gives him a vote 
of thanks, 104 ; promoted major general, U. 
S. A., 104 ; Thomas grieved by Grant's ac- 
tion, 104, 105; a great soldier and Chris- 
tian gentleman, 105; in front of Atlanta, 
114, 120, 124, 127; his telegram to Grant at 
Chattanooga, 141 ; in general, 149, 151, 166, 
167, 187, 310, 312, 332. 336, 338, 342; his 
reply to Halleck about Hood, 374 ; grateful 
to Stanton and Lincoln, 376, 377; sore over 
Logan and Scofield, 377, 378; his congratu- Von Moltke 

410 



^latory order to army after Nashville Cam- 
^paign, 378; commends the author, 393 



Thomas, Gen, Lorenzo, 80, 364-366 

Thor, Grant the hammer of, 143 

Thucydides, 163 

" Tools to him who can use them," 51 

Totten, Gen., 364 

Trains of Army of the Potomac, 74 ; at Ra^v 
pahannock Station, 74; at Brentsvillc, 79 ; 
at Savage Station, 265; Seven Days' Bat- 
tle, 266 

Trent affair, 210 

Trenton, N. J., Lincoln there, g. 19; Mc- 
Clellan there, 35, 44, 64, 195, 222, 245, 318, 

319; 337 
Trevillian, 126 
Truax, Maj, W. S,, 197 
Tunstall's Station, 267 
Twelfth Corps, 59 
Twentieth Corps, 59 
Twenty-third Corps, 85, 92, 187 
Twiggs, Gen,, 174, 175 



u 

" Uncle Abe," 218, 220, 234, 271 

Union. Lincoln's prayers did not harm it, 17; 

enlistments in Civil War, 165 ; losses in 

Civil War, 165, 385 
Union men in Confederate prisons, 269 
Union speech at Alexandria, 203 
" Union's voyage o'er," 169 
U. S. accounts, 280, 284 
United States Ford, 151 
Uprising of the North, 10 
Utah, 182 
Ute Indians, 119, 121, 123 



V , Lieut,, 64, 66 

Valhalla of history, 156 

Valley Forge, Falmouth worse than, 45, 291 

Venable, Lieut. Col, C. S., 385 

Vera Cruz, 175 

Vicksburg, Mr. Lincoln prays for victory 
there, 12, 14, 16, 17, 135; Grant there, 139; 
it was Grant's plan, 139; Confederates sur- 
render there, 140, 142 ; in general, 154, 163, 
179, 180. 181, 305, 308, 353, 358 

Virginia, 21, 59, 70, 80, 152, 307 

Virginia Central Railroad, 126 

Virginia roads, 50; Secessionist, 251, 252, 254; 
slave holder, 253, 254 

Visit to Lookout Mountain, 331 ; to Mammoth 
Cave, 328 

"Volunteers," 177 

5S» IS7 



Index 



W 

Wagon trains Army of the Potomac, 57, 74, 

79, 265, 266 
Wainwright, Capt., 200 
Wallace, Gen. Lew, on McClellan, 368 
War, Crimean, 164 ; Civil, 165 ; Franco-Ger- 
man, 164 ; Mexican, 164 ; Revolutionary, 
165 ; with Spain, 165 ; cost of, 387, 391 ; 
records, 4 ; ravages of, 255 ; horrors of, 48, 
161, 168, 259 
War Department, Sherman at, 138 ; Grant at, 

138 
" War is hell," 167 

Warren, Gen. G. K., at Gettysburg, 68; at 
Headquarters Army of Potomac, 73; at 
Bristoe, 76 
Warren County, N. J., 308, 324 
Warrenton, 43, 44, 54, 74, 77, 78, 292, 309 
Warrenton Junction, 77, 78, 269, 272, 309 
Washington's Birthday in army, 297 
Washington, George, 10, 16, 18, 80, 120, 158, 

193 ; his house at Mt. Vernon, 201, 291 
Washington, D. C, Lincoln's inauguration 
there, 9, 10; in general, 11-13, ^91 21, 22, 24, 
25, 31. 43. 44, 54. 59^ 63, 65, 70, 71, 78, 127- 
130, 144, 176, 186, 188, 189, 191, 195, 196, 

20^, 204, 209, 215, 224, 230, 234, 236, 257, 272- 
274, 276, 278, 287, 292, 294, 297, 300, 307, 309, 

337. 350, 352. 353. 364, 365. 368 
Waterloo, 68 
Webb, Major, 257 
Webster, Daniel, 23 
Webster, Gen. J. D., 104 
Wedding in Seventh N, J., 297 
Welles, Hon. G. J., 5 
Wellington, 120, 136 
Western cousin, 222 
Western Territories, 19 
West Point, 36, 52, 67, 80, 174, 189 
West Point, Va., 187, 248 

West Virginia, 24 ; Lee's campaign there, 150 
What an army is, 165 



41 



Wheeler, Gen. J., 114 ; his raid, Marietta to 

Nashville, 114, 117, 133 
" White Diamond " Division, 57 
White House, 10, 22, 23, 59 
White House, Va., 126, 150, 191, 260, 264 
White Oak Swamp, 29, 264, 265 
Wigfall, of Texas, 18; his speech in U. S. 

Senate, 20 ; reply of Andrew Johnson, ao 
Wilderness Campaign, 70, 125, 127, 143 ; Lee 

in, 152, 153 ; Grant in, 152, 153 
Wilkes, Lieut. Aaron, 245 
William of Orange, 18 
Williamsburg, 26, 27, 38 ; Hooker's Division 

at, 53 ; our losses there, 62 ; battle of, 244- 

248; losses at, 249; McClellan's injustice, 

249, 252, 277 
Williams, Gen. Seth, 66, 73 
Williamsport, Lee and Meade at, 69, 72, 307 
Wilson, Gen. J. H., at Nashville, 91, 94, 99, 

346 
Wilson's Cavalry, 85 
Wilson, S. K., 19 
Winchester, 128, 290, 363, 364 
Winter in camp, 293, 297, 299, 340 
Winter in Washington, 317 
Wolf Run Shoals, 45 
Wolseley, Gen. Lord, 149 
Woman in the war, 190; Soldier's Children's 

Homes, 190 
Wood, Gen. T. J., at Nashville, 87, 92-95 
Wounds in War, 165 
Wright, Gen., at Cedar Creek, 129 
Wyoming, 182 

Y 

York River, 238 

Yorktown, 25 ; siege of, 26, 243, 259 ; return 
to, from Harrison's Landing, 31, 38 ; in 
general, 238, 239, 249, 252, 268, 271, 272, 300 

Young, Major H. E., 386 

Y. M. C. A., 357 

" Young Napoleon " McClellanites, 24, 25, 
35 

I 



NEW APPENDIX 



I think the following a good sequel to Chapter I, p. i8: 

LINCOLN'S ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG. 

November 19, 1863. 

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon 
this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are en- 
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any 
nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met 
on a great battlefield of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion 
of it as the final resting place of those who here gave their lives 
that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that 
we should do this. 

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, 
we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, 
who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add 
or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we 
say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, 
the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that 
they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be 
here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from 
these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for 
which they here gave the last full measure of devotion — that we 
here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain — that 
the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that 
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall 
not perish from the earth. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

President of the United States March 4, 1861, to April 15, 1865. 
Born February 12, 1809, in Hardin (La Rue) Co., Kentucky. 
Died April 15, 1865, at Washington, D. C. 

"It cannot be said there is any exaggeration of his worth. If 
ever a man was fairly tested he was. There was no lack of resist- 
ance, nor of slander, nor of ridicule. The times have allowed no 
State secrets ; the nation has been in such a ferment, such multitudes 

412 



New Appendix 

had to be trusted, that no secret could be kept. Every door was 
ajar, and we know all that befell. 

"Then what an occasion was the whirlwind of the war ! Here 
was place for no holiday magistrate, no fair-weather sailor; the 
new pilot was hurried to the helm in a tornado. In four years — the 
four years of battle-days — his endurance, his fertility of resources, 
his magnanimity, were sorely tried and never found wanting. 

"There, by his courage, his justice, his even temper, his fertile 
counsel, his humanity, he stood an heroic figure in the center of an 
heroic epoch. He is the true history of the American people in his 
time. Step by step he walked before them; slow with their slow- 
ness, quickening his steps with theirs ; the true representative of this 
continent; an entirely public man; father of his country; the pulse 
of twenty millions throbbing in his heart, the thought of their 
minds articulated by his tongue." 

— Ralph Waldo Emerson. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELU 

Life may be given in many ways. 
And loyalty to Truth be sealed 
As bravely in the closet as the field. 
So bountiful is Fate; 
But then to stand beside her, 
When craven churls deride her. 
To front a lie in arms and not to yield, 
This shows, methinks, God's plan 
And measure of a stalwart man. 
Limbed like the old heroic breeds, 

Who stand self-poised on manhood's solid earth. 
Not forced to frame excuses for his birth, 
Fed from within with all the strength he needs. 

Nature, they say, doth dote. 
And cannot make a man 
Save on some worn-out plan, 
Repeating us by rote: 
For him her Old- World molds aside she threw. 
And, choosing sweet clay from the breast 
Of the unexhausted West, 
With stuff untainted shaped a hero new. 
Wise, steadfast in the strength of God, and true. 

♦ ♦ * 

413 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

Nothing of Europe here, 
Or, then, of Europe front<l% mornward still, 
Ere any names of Serf and Peer 

Could Nature's equal scheme deface; 

Here was a type of the true elder race, 
And one of Plutarch's men talked with us face to face. 



He knew to bide his time. 

And can his fame abide, 
Still patient in his simple faith sublime. 

Till the wise years decide. 
Great captains with their guns and drums, 

Disturb our judgment for the hour, 
But at last silence comes ; 

These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, 
Our children shall behold his fame. 

The kindly-earnest, brave, farseeing man. 
Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame. 
New birth of our new soil, the first American [after George 
Washington]. 

Here also, is his famous Bixby Letter, which our British cousins 
think so much of. They have hung it upon the walls of Oxford 
University as the finest specimen of English extant. It certainly 
is worthy of Abraham Lincoln: 

"Executive Mansion, 
"Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. 
'To Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Mass.: 
"Dear Madam : 

"I have been shown in the files of the War Department a 
statement of the Adjutant General of Massachusetts, that you are 
the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of 
battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any word of mine, 
which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so 
overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering you the con- 
solation that may be found in the thanks of the republic they died 
to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish 
of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of 
the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to 
have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. 
"Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 

"A. Lincoln." 
414 



New Appendix 

Here are some additional facts and figures, that well supplement 
page 165. They will well bear reading : 

"HISTORICAL COMPARISONS. 

"There were but 1,557 killed in the Mexican War, and but 1,877 
in the War of 1812. We have no exact figures as to the Revolution, 
but the mortality could not have been much greater than in the 
other wars in spite of its lasting seven years. 

"But 300 were killed in the Spanish War. 



"Mere statements of numbers convey little impression to the 
average mind. Comparisons are more startling. 

"More men fell at Gettysburg than we had on Mexican soil at 
any time during the Mexican War. 

"Many more men were killed out of the little First Corps alone in 
the first day's battle on Seminary Ridge than in the whole Mexican 
War. 



"General Grant lost more men in that awful march from the 
Rapidan to the James than were in the Continental Army at any 
time during the Revolution. 

"Napoleon never put into any battle as many men as were actually 
shot to death on the Union side during the Civil War. 

"Germany was once ravaged for thirty years by a savage re- 
ligious war, which destroyed her cities and laid waste her farms 
and vineyards. Yet we fought more engagements than took place 
in the whole famous Thirty Years' War, and killed more men in 
single battles than during those three awful decades of German 
history. 

"Single armies lost more in one campaign than were lost in the 
whole of great wars which have changed the map of Europe. 

"Our campaign against Vicksburg alone cost as many lives as 
Great Britain's share in the Crimean War. 

"The Germans took something over 1,000,000 men into France 
in 1870-71, and overran that great, wealthy, military country of 
40,000,000 population, which had been the arbitress of the European 
Continent. Yet they lost only about 25,000 killed, in this stupendous 
achievement, or nearly the same number General Grant lost in about 
the same time in the various armies he moved against Richmond 
in 1864. 

415 



Men and Things I Saw In Civil War Days 

"OUR LOSS GREAT^ THAN ENGLAND'S. 

"Some years ago I startled a prominent United States Senator, 
who was supposed to be quite familiar with the war, with the 
statement that we had more men killed upon the field of battle 
in the four years of our internecine struggle than England had 
lost in the eight hundred years in which she had been a nation. At 
first he ridiculed the idea, but when he came to look into the matter 
more carefully he found that the statement was correct and that 
though Great Britain had been in incessant conflict through all these 
centuries, the sanguinary stubbornness of our four years of conflict 
ran up the total of our slain in excess of the total of hers since 
William the Conqueror won the battle of Hastings. 

"The reason is obvious to any one who studies history. It was 
really the first time in the annals of the world that a whole people 
went to war in support of an idea second in their minds only to 
that of their belief and faith in God. When all the brain and 
character of a great country like ours engages in a deadly struggle 
in support of principles which they deem of higher value even than 
life itself, the grapple must be fierce and the mortality appalling. 

"In every battle we equaled the most famous instances of heroism 
and devotion in history. 

"Every company had in it gallant souls who were fair rivals of 
the heroes whose acts have been the theme of story, song, and 
pencil. 

"Winkelried's 'Making Way for Liberty' at Sempach will live as 
long as literature. 

"Within easy reach of our eyes is the spot on which seven men, 
each as bravely self-sacrificing as Winkelried, were shot down in 
quick succession in trying to hold up the flag of the Twenty-fourth 
Michigan. 

''Every regiment would have paralleled the performance of Le- 
onidas and his 300 deathless Spartans, and a thousand times during 
the war different regiments made ready to do so. 

"By lifting our eyes we can see the ground where the First 
Minnesota lost 83 per cent, of its number in a charge in which it 
was expected every one would be killed, and from which not a man 
faltered. The little remnant of survivors would have instantly 
repeated the assault if ordered. 

"The world thrills with the story of the Light Brigade at 
Balaklava, the only fight in which it was engaged and in which it 
lost 36 per cent, of its strength. The First Minnesota lost twice 
the percentage of the Light Brigade, and it lost severely in a score of 
battles before and after. 

416 



New Appendix 

"The Fifth New York after losing at Manassas nearly twice the 
percentage of the Light Brigade, coolly counted off anew, and, 
striding over their dead and wounded, rearranged their ranks, un- 
willing to retreat, although the General was anxious to withdraw 
them. 

"Scores of Union regiments lost more in single battles than the 
Light Brigade. 

"Pennsylvania had four regiments — the Twenty-sixth, Sixty- 
ninth, One Hundred and Forty-first, and One Hundred and Forty- 
eighth — that lost a larger percentage on this field of Gettysburg 
than the Light Brigade at Balaklava, and the percentage of the 
One Hundred and Forty-first Pennsylvania was double that of the 
Light Brigade." — National Tribune, Washington, D. C. 

See p. 17. As further evidence of Mr. Lincoln's "religious faith," 
I cite the following by Rev. Jesse Bowman Young, about 1900. In 
February, 1874, he was pastor of a church at Gettysburg, Pa., and 
Bishop Edmund Janes came there to dedicate it. On the day 
before (Saturday) he took Bishop Janes over the battlefield, and 
narrated to him some of its incidents, "from the point of view of an 
eye-witness." The good Bishop "was delighted with the landscape 
and interested in the story of the battle," but more important were 
his remarks concerning his interviews with President Lincoln, of 
whom he said : 

"Many a time during the war, when I visited him in his private 
office in Washington, he said, 'Do not go. Bishop, until you have 
prayed with me. We need your prayers and the divine direction 
in these critical hours,' and so time after time I knelt by Mr. 
Lincoln in the White House when we two were alone, and carried the 
cause of the Union and the needs of the President's anxious heart 
and of our distracted country to the Lord in prayer." 

This is corroborative of the testimony of Bishop Simpson, Bishop 
Ames, Bishop Bowman, and other great divines, and goes far to 
prove he was a God-fearing and God-praying man, as all ought 
to be. 

See p. 303 as to death of General Hiram G. Berry, at Chancel- 
lorsville. The following from the pen of Rev. Dr. Sawyer, editor 
of Northern Christian Advocate, Syracuse, N. Y., well supplements 
the same : 

"A HEROIC GENERAL'S PREMONITION. 

"Having been greatly interested in the allusion to General Hiram 
G. Berry in General J. F. Rusling's exceedingly valuable book. Men 
and Things I Saw in Civil War Days, we wrote to General Rusling 

417 



Men and Things I Saw in Civil War Days 

that General Berry was the original colonel of our own regiment, the 
Fourth Maine. In a personal le^r in reply he gives the particu- 
lars concerning the death of General Berry on the morning of the 
third day of the battle of Chancellorsville. The letter is of so 
interesting a nature that we take the liberty to publish it. 



"When the Eleventh Corps was stampeded at Chancellorsville, 
May 2, 1863, General Berry's division had a prominent part in suc- 
cessfully opposing the advance of the rebels. It was in the forest 
in front of Berry's position that Stonewall Jackson fell mortally 
wounded, probably by a mistaken volley from a Confederate com- 
mand, on the evening of the same day. It was on the following 
morning that General Berry was killed. We now quote from General 
Rusling's letter : 

" 'I am glad to know you were an old soldier under General Berry. 
It may interest you to know that I was Berry's division quartermas- 
ter in May, 1863, and further, that when we moved on Chancel- 
lorsville General Berry had a distinct premonition of his impending 
doom. The day before we marched he was summoned to army 
headquarters, and when he returned just in the evening he seemed 
to me anxious and foreboding, and after supper sent for me to 
come to his quarters. After some general conversation he told 
me we were to move next morning, and would cross the Rappa- 
hannock and attack Lee, and likely have a great battle, and that 
he felt he would not survive it. I joked him about the matter, and 
told him all officers and soldiers kind of felt that way before going 
into action, but that most of us survived after all. He said, yes, 
he knew that, but had never felt this way before, though he had 
passed through all our battles so far from Bull Run to Fredericks- 
burg, including the Peninsula campaign, etc., but that now it was 
borne in upon him that he would not survive the coming battle, 
and that if anything happened to him, he wished me to recover his 
body and send it home to Maine, "because he did not want to be 
buried in Secession soil." He gave me some of his effects, keep- 
sakes, money, etc., and directed me how to send them to his family 
if anything happened to him, and I promised I would attend 
sacredly to his wishes. I sat with him until after midnight, and 
did my best to rally him, but failed to do so. The next morning 
after breakfast I found him still in the same mood, and when we 
parted he was still of the same feeling, though resolute to do his 
duty. He went on to Chancellorsville at the head of his division, 
and I remained at Falmouth with my train as ordered, but after 
two or three days I became anxious about matters at Chancellors- 

418 



New Appendix 

ville, and leaving the train in charge of my next senior officer I 
rode to Chancellorsville myself, and there found him sitting on a 
stump by the roadside, not far in advance of the Chancellorsville 
House, superintending the planting of a battery. I greeted him 
heartily, and said to him, that though we had had fierce fighting 
the evening before, and his division had been hotly engaged, yet 
he was still all right and I hoped he would dismiss his fears. He 
answered, "Yes, that is so, but the battle is not yet over." I rode 
on down to his headquarters, and lunched with the staff, and along 
in the afternoon bade them all good-by and returned to Falmouth. 
The next morning about seven o'clock, near the same spot where 
I found him, he crossed the Plank road to communicate with 
General Mott, who was commanding the New Jersey brigade of 
his division, and started to return, and had nearly reached his old 
place, when a Confederate sharpshooter located in a tree not far 
in advance sent a minie ball through him, and he expired within 
less than half an hour afterward. His body was brought back to 
Falmouth, where I made a rude coffin for him, and wrapped him 
in the large garrison flag that we always flew at division head- 
quarters, and sent him tenderly home to Maine. He was a good 
man, and a great soldier, and Maine may always be proud of such 
a heroic son.' " 

At the end of page '](} read; 

For an inside history of the campaign and battle of Gettysburg, 
and of the campaigns of 1864-5, see the recent Life and Letters of 
Gen. George G. Meade, by Lieutenant Colonel George Meade, his son 
and staff officer, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1913. His let- 
ters home to his wife, almost daily, show Meade was a Christian 
gentleman, as well as pure patriot and great commander — all de- 
tractors to the contrary. Gettysburg was fought Wednesday, Thurs- 
day, and Friday, July i, 2, and 3, 1863, Saturday being the 4th. 
During the whole of that great battle week Meade did not change 
his clothes, and the last three days did not take time to wash his 
face and hands even — so absorbed was he in the great battle 
pending. He was constantly in the saddle, and "did not sleep a 
wink for two nights," and picked up his meals wherever he could 
find them. He was a devout Episcopalian and had religious services 
at army headquarters every Sunday when possible, and communed 
regularly when practicable, to his great edification and delight. A 
great and worthy commander clearly. But see said book passim. 

419 



INDEX TO NEW APPENDIX 



Ames, Bishop, 417 
Appendix, New, 412 

B 

Berry, Gen. Hiram G., 417; his premoni- 
tion of death at Chancellorsville, 418 
Bowman, Bishop, 417. 

H 

Historical Comparisons of Great Battles, 
41S 

L 

Life and Letters of Gen. George G. Meade, 
by his son George, 419 



Lincoln, Emerson on, 412; his Bixby Let- 
ter, 414; his religious faith, 417; James 
Russell Lowell on, 413 

Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, 412 

M 

Meade, Gen. George G., 419; a great com- 
mander, 419; at Gettysburg, 419; his de- 
votion to his duties, 419; his Life and 
Letters, 419; his religion, 419 



Sawyer, Rev. Dr., 417 
Simpson, Rev. Bishop, 417 



Young, Rev. Jesse Bowman, 417 



420 



I 



H 178 81 



I 








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